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“KILO Y 


A Documentary History of 
An.erican Industrial 
' — Society 
Volume II 


A Documentary History of 
American Industrial 


Society 


Edited by John R. Commons 
Ulrich B. Phillips, Eugene A. Gilmore 
Helen L. Sumner, and John B. Andrews 


Prepared under the auspices of the American Bureau of 
Industrial Research, with the co-operation of the 
Carnegie Institution of Washington 


With preface by Richard T. Ely 
and introdudtion by John B. Clark 


Volume II 


Plantation and Frontier 


| Cleveland, Ohio 
The Arthur H. Clark Company 


I9I0O 


Copyricut, 1909, BY 
THE ARTHUR H. CLARK CO. 
All rights reserved 


Che Lakeside Press 
R. R. DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANY 
CHICAGO. 


AMERICAN BUREAU OF INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH 


DIRECTORS AND EDITORS 


RICHARD T. ELY, PH.D., LL.D., Professor of Political Economy, 
University of Wisconsin 


JOHN R. COMMONS, A.M., Professor of Political Economy, 
University of Wisconsin 


JOHN B. CLARK, PH.D., LL.D., Professor of Political Economy, 
Columbia University 


V. EVERIT MAcy, Chairman, New York City 


ALBERT SHAW, PH.D., LL.D., Editor, American Review 
of Reviews 


ULRICH B. PHILLIPS, PH.D., Professor of History and Political 
Science, Tulane University 


EUGENE A. GILMORE, LL.B., Professor of Law, 
University of Wisconsin 


HELEN L. SUMNER, PH.D., United States Bureau of Labor 


JOHN B. ANDREWS, PH.D., Executive Secretary, 
American Association for Labor Legislation 


THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF AMERICAN 
INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY COMPRISES— 


VOL. I 


VoL. II 


Vor. Ii 


Vou. TV 


VOL. V. 


Plantation and Frontier, Volume 1, 


by Ulrich B. Phillips 


Plantation and Frontier, Volume 2, 


by Ulrich B. Phillips 


Labor Conspiracy Cases, 1806-1842, Volume 1, 
by John R. Commons and Eugene A. Gilmore 


Labor Conspiracy Cases, 1806-1842, Volume 2, 
by John R. Commons and Eugene A. Gilmore 


Labor Movement, 1820-1840, Volume 1, 
by John R. Commons and Helen L. Sumner 


Labor Movement, 1820-1840, Volume 2, 
by John R. Commons and Helen L. Sumner 


Labor Movement, 1840-1860, Volume 1, 
by John R. Commons 


Labor Movement, 1840-1860, Volume 2, 
by John R. Commons 


Labor Movement, 1860-1880, Volume 1, 
by John R. Commons and John B. Andrews 


Labor Movement, 1860-1880, Volume 2, 
by John R. Commons and John B. Andrews 


ed 


PLANTATION AND FRONTIER 
1649-1863 
Selected, Collated, and Edited 
with Introduction by 
ULRICH B. PHILLIPS, Px.D. 


Professor of History and Political Science, 
Tulane University of Louisiana 


Volume II 


CONTENTS OF VOLUME II 


IX PLANTATION LABoR—NEeEGRO SLAVES 
1 Slaveholding hard to avoid : 
Extract from a letter of Peter Teme Viren ae 
2 The breaking in of fresh Africans : 
Extract from C. C. Robin’s Voyages ... de la Beuie 
1ane 
3 Discipline and riddance of refractory slaves 
v(a) Extract from a letter of Charles Manigault to ie 
overseer; France, 1847 
~¥(b) Extract from a letter of William Capers to Charles 
Manigault; Georgia, Sept. 15, 1863 
¥(c) Extract from a letter of same to same; Sept. 21, 1863 
/(d) Extract from a letter of same to same; Sept. 28, 1863 
4 Negro labor slow and careless : 
“Extracts from the Diary of Col. Pilon Carter” ; Vir- 
ginia, 1771 
5 Petty annoyances in using negro labor 
Extract from F. L. Olmsted’s Journey in the Seamed 
Slave States 
6 Cases of chronic shirking and trouble-making 
(a) Letter of J. B. Lamar to Mrs. Howell Coun, Gan 
gia, 1846 
(b) Extract from a letter of Elisha Cain to Alexander 
Telfair; Georgia, Nov. 4, 1833 
7 Slaves’ purchase of freedom . 
(a) Extract from M. G. Lewis’s VS of a West Tide 
Proprietor; 1817 
(b) Letter of Billy Proctor to John B. Lamar; Georgia, 
1854 
8 Border warfare over slave property 
News item from the New Orleans Bee, July 28, 1a 
9 Varied sidelights 
(a) Letter of Eliza Ween to Ghai Hinceaee: Shuth 
Carolina, 1742 


29 


31 


31 


33 


34 


38 


40 


42 


43 


12 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


(b) Extract of a letter of James Habersham to the Coun- 
‘tess of Huntingdon; Georgia, 1775 
(c) Letter of John Peck to Robert Carter; Virginia, 1788 
(d) Letter of A. R. Wright to Howell Cobb; Georgia, 
1841 
(e) Extract from Charles Lyell’s Second Visit to the 
United States 
(£) Advertisement from the Town Gazette & Farmers’ 
Register (Clarksville, Tenn.), Aug. 9, 1819 
(g) Extract from Charles Lyell’s Second Visit to the 
United States 
(h) Advertisement from the Winyaw Intelligencer 
(Georgetown, S.C.), Jan. 1, 1852 
X Tue SiLave TRADE 
1 The slave trade as an agency for distributing labor 
Extract from Henry Bolingbroke, 4 Voyage to the Dem- 
erary 
2 Eagerness of the demand 
Extract from a letter from the South Cars Gieien. 
March 2-9, 1738 
3 Cargoes from Africa 
(a) Advertisements and news item frie the Virgisiia 
Gazette, 1736-1737 
(b) Advertisements from the Charleston ($.C.) Evening 
Gazette, July 11, 1785 
4 The smuggling slave trade . 2 
(a) Notice from the Louisiana Journal (St. Francie 
Aug. 27, 1825 
(b) News item from the Atlanta (Ga.) Intelligencer, 
March 9, 1859 
5 The interstate slave trade 2 
(a) Extract from 4 Tour in Virginia 
(b) Advertisement from the Chestertown (Md.) Tele- 
graph, Nov. 7, 1828 
(c) An anonymous letter 
6 The local slave exchange : 
(a) Extract from a letter of Genie Waskéautsa to Alex- 
ander Spotswood; 1774 
(b) Advertisement from the Charleston (S.C.) City 
Gazette, March 10, 1796 


49 


51 


52 


53 


55 


56 


CONTENTS OF VOLUME II 


(c) Advertisement ibid., Feb. 21, 1825 
7 The journey of a slave coffle . 
Extract from The Narrative of ie Life aa A Tuentaies 
of Charles Ball 
8 Motives for checking the interstate slave trade § 
Letter froma citizen, from the Georgia Journal (Muil- 
ledgeville), Dec. 4, 1821 
9 Slave-buying vicissitudes 
News item from the Charleston (S. C. ) City Gazette: ed 
21, 1799 
10 Slave prices at the end of the régime 
(a) Extract from Wm. Chambers’s Things as ahey are 
in America 
(b) Editorial from the Southern Banner (Athens, Ga.), 
Jan. 21, 1858 
(c) News item from the Atlanta (Ga.) Daily Intelli- 
gencer, Jan. 7, 1860 
(d) News item ibid., Jan. 13, 1860 
(e) Editorial from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, 
Ga.), Jan. 17, 1860 
XI FucitiveE AND STOLEN SLAVES 
1 The chase and capture of a slave stealer 
News item from the Atlanta Daily RE ENS San 
22, 1851 
2 The operations of a professional 
Extracts from H. R. Howard’s History of Virgil A. Stew- 
art and his Adventure in Capturing and Exposing 
Murrell and his Gang 
3 A child kidnapped : 
Advertisement from the Town Cameite Foe Regis- 
ter (Clarksville, Tenn.), Aug. 9, 1819 
4 The river highway Z 
(a) Advertisement from the Hajon eee Gapnties pail 
8, 1826 
(b) News item from the New Orleans Bee, June 16, 1845 
(c) News item from the New Orleans Picayune, Aug. 30, 
1845 
5 Motives and talents of runaway slaves 
(a) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette, Task a 


1774 


13 
59 
67 
70 


71 


75 


76 


79 


79 


81 


14 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


(b) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette, April 21, 
1774 
(c) Advertisement from the Baton Rouge Republic, July 
30, 1822 
(d) Advertisement from the Baton Rouge (La.) Repub- 
lic, April 16, 1822 
(e) Extracts from letters of Elisha Cain to Alexander 
Telfair; Georgia, 1829 
6 Dangers and punishments 
. (a) Advertisement from the Ralcieh (N. C.) Rene 
Feb. 20, 1818 
(b) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette, April 23, 
1767 
(c) Advertisement from the Carolina Centinel (Newbern, 
N.C.), Aug. 8, 1818 
(d) Advertisement from the Tennessee Gazette &* Mero 
District Advertiser, Nov. 7, 1804 
(e) Advertisement from the Louisiana Journal (St. Fran- 
cisville), Nov. 25, 1826 
7 Arrest of strays and suspects . 
(a) Advertisement from the Virginia Coupe ‘Now. 5 
1767 
(b) Advertisement from the Elkton (Md.) Press, Sept. 
13, 1828 
8 Local refuges 
(a) Advertisement from pd Civoiee Contigen (New- 
bern, N.C.), July 25, 1818 
(b) News item from the Charleston (S.C.) Observer, 
July 21, 1827 
(c) Extract from the Diary of Henry Ravenel Jr.; South 
Carolina, 1819 
9 “For sale as he runs” 
Advertisement from the isang: ‘Cénnnen Aug. ‘8, 1818 
10 The barbarism of slavery in the case of light mulattoes 
(a) Advertisement from the Georgia Express (Athens), 
Dec. 17, 1808 
(b) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette, March 26, 
1767 
11 A slave suicide : 
Extract from a letter of William Cake to Charla ee 
gault; Georgia, June 13, 1860 


85 


88 


go 


92 


Q2 


94 


CONTENTS OF VOLUME II 1§ 


12 Lists of runaways imprisoned in Jamaican workhouses; 
Wee: s F 95 
Notices from the Royal Getiie (icity Praises 
June 4-11, 1803 
XII Stave CoNsPIRACIES AND CRIME 


1 An outbreak in Jamaica; 1765 s : ~f "a9 
News item from the Gentleman’s Magazine for 7466 
2 A plot in North Carolina; 1831 : IOI 
News item from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga), ‘ 
Oct. 6, 1831 
3 Effects of Negro Plots upon Public Sentiment : Le, SAE 


(a) Memorial of the Citizens of Charleston, 1822 

(b) Editorial from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, 
Ga.), Dec. 23, 1856 

(c) Editorial from the Southern Watchman (Athens, 
Ga.), Jan. 1, 1857 

4 Violence toward masters and overseers 117 

(a) News item from the Charleston (S.C.) Seas 

~Gazetite, July 12, 1785 

(b) News item from the Georgia Gazette (Savannah), 
Dec. 7, 1774 

(c) News item from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, 
Ga.), May 26, 1857 

(d) News item from the New Orleans Bee, March 6, 


1845 
5 Poisoning : 120 
News item from fre Baton wees (La.) evans Faty 
23, 1822 
6 Arson “ 121 


Editorial from va Fuel Heian (Milledgeville, Ga. ), 
March 20, 1855 
7 Rate 3 121 
(a) News item pia the New ieee Ba: Sept. on ee 
.(b) Advertisement from the Elkton (Md.)- Press, July 


19, 1828 
8 Petition for a slave's pardon : 122 
Letter of William Ramsay to the Gaveies of Varpintls 
1792 
9 Records of slave trials eis BE 


Abstract from the court record of ‘Baldwin Seen Geor- 
gia, 1812-1832 


16 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


XIII Necro QUALITIES 
1 Negro nationalities and characteristics 
Extract from A Professional Planter’s Practical Rais for 
the Management of Negro Slaves in the Sugar Colonies 
2 Observations by an Englishman in Jamaica 
Extracts from M. G. Lewis’s Journal of a West tas 
Proprietor; 1815-1817 
3 Cotton-belt negroes more intelligent than those on the coast 
Extract from Charles Lyell’s Second Visit to the United 
States; 1849 
XIV Free Persons or CoLor 
Certificates of freedom 
(a) Private certificate to Moses Handlece Gaara tes 
(b) Public certificate to Fenda Lawrence; Georgia, 1772 
2 Private emancipation 
(a) Advertisement from the Ban Rouge (La.) Gaxvete, 
Nov. 11, 1826 
(b) News item from the New Orleans Commercial Times, 
July 10, 1846 
3 The gainful occupations of free persons of color 
Register for Richmond County, Ga.; 1819 
4 Town policing of slaves and free negroes 
(a) Abstract from the town records of Milledgeville, Ga. 
(b) News items from the Royal Gazette (Kingston, Ja- 
maica), May 28-June 4, 1803 
5 Laxity of city regulations in oni 
Extract from the acting mayor’s address to the New Or- 
leans city council; 1813 
6 Industrial and social status 
(a) Extract from M. G. Lewis’s Journal ue a We est I pti 
Proprietor 
(b) Extract from a letter of A. H. Urquhart to Miss 
Margaret Telfair; Georgia, 1840 
7 Free persons of color emigrating from Louisiana in search of 
opportunity return from San Domingo and report on 
the industrial and social status of the Negro Republic 
News item from the Courrier des Natchitoches (Natchi- 
toches, La.), June 7, 1825 
8 Public opinion regarding free negroes 
(a) Editorial from the Georgia Journal, Jan. 1, wee 


Lowel 


127 


133 


140 


141 


142 


143 


147 


153 


154 


155 


157 


CONTENTS OF VOLUME II 17 


(b) A New Jersey news item from the Federal Union 
(Milledgeville, Ga.), Sept. 17, 1834 
(c) Editorial from the Atlanta (Ga.) Intelligencer, Jan. 
9, 1860 
9 Severities of the law : 160 
(a) Letter of the Governor of ad ae Feb. 22, 1686) 
(b) News item from the New Orleans Bee, July 11, ii 
10 Voluntary enslavement : 161 
(a) Petition of Lucinda, a free negress; Viena 181 Le 
(b) News item from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, 
Ga.), Oct. 6, 1857 
1 (c) Petition of William Bass; South Carolina, 1859 
XV Poor WHITES 
1 The early Georgia Crackers, described by a Cockney - 165 
Extract from Anthony Stokes’s 4 View of the Constitution 
of the British Colonies 
2 The pine-barrens population : 166 
(a) Extract from a letter of John Pebiics to Dad Bane 
say; South Carolina, 1808 
(b) Extract from Henry Ker’s Travels, 1816 
(c) Article from the Augusta (Ga.) Constitutionalist, 
Oct. 18, 1831 
XVI IMMIGRANTS 
1 The hardships of craftsmen in colonial Virginia : 169 
(a) Extract from Hartwell, Blair, and Chilton’s ae 
State of Virginia 
(b) Letter of George Hume, Rappahannock River, to 
Ninian Home; June 20, 1723 
2 Handicraft opportunities in the colony of South Carolina 174 
Extract from 4 Description of the Province of South Caro- 


lina; 1731 
3 A local society to promote immigration : 176 
Notice from the Charleston (S.C.) City Gig. Maes 
19, 1795 
‘ The negro problem as affected by immigrants . 176 


Extract from a letter of L. W. Spratt to John Petbings 
South Carolina, 1861 
5 Immigrant labor in public works and mines , 177 
(a) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette, Sept. 1, 


1774 


18 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


(b) Letter of C. Meyers to the Governor of Virginia; 
Virginia, 1796 
(c) Extract from the Diary of Lucian Minor; Mary- 
land, 1834 
(d) Extract from F. L. Olmsted’s Journey in the Sea- 
board Slave States; Virginia, 1856 
6 Irish peddlers 
News item from the SDaeREE Bae ‘(Agee Ga), 
March 16, 1853 
7 Irish gangs in plantation work i 
(a) Extract from W. H. Russell’s My Digg Nore ef 
South (Louisiana, 1860) 
“.. (b) Extract from the plantation records of Louis Mani- 
gault; South Carolina, 1876 
(c) Extract from Charles Lyell’s Second Visit to the 
United States (Louisiana, 1846) 
8 Distress and avoidance of the South 
(a) Extract from an article from the Feat oom 
(Milledgeville, Ga.), Jan. 9, 1855 
(b) News item from the Federal Union; Sept. 7, 1858 
XVII Micration 
1 Frontier spirit in the cotton belt ‘ 
Extracts from the “Autobiography of Gideon iineeehea® 
2 The migration of a plantation force : 
News item from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, Naw I Pe 
1811 
( "3 The hardships of poverty 
News item from the Augusta Chicna Sept. a itis 
4 Emigration from the piedmont Virginia tobacco district 
Extract from an editorial from the Lynchburg Virginian, 
Sept. 27, 1832 
5 Prospecting for plantations in Louisiana 
Letter of F. X. Martin to John Hatniléegn in North 
Carolina; New Orleans, 1811 
\6 Problems and procedure of migrating slaveholders : 
(a) Letter of Leonard Covington to Alexander Covington 
in Mississippi; Maryland, Aug. 17, 1808 
(b) Letter of L. Covington to J. T. Magruder; Aug. 7, 
1808 
(c) Letter of L. Covington to Levin Wailes; Jan. 16, 
1809 


180 


181 


183 


185 


196 


196 


196 


197 


201 


CONTENTS OF VOLUME II 


(d) Letter of L. Covington to A. Covington; Feb. 15, 
1809 

(e) Letter of D. Rawlings and L. Covington to A. Cov- 
ington and J. T. Magruder; March 6, 1809 

(£) Letter of L. Covington to A. Covington; April 25, 


1809 

(g) Letter of L. Covington to A. Covington; July 22, 
1809 

(h) Letter of L. Covington to A. Covington; Aug. 17, 
1809 

(i) Letter of L. Covington to D. Rawlings; Oct. 15, 
1809 

(j) Letter of L. Covington to A. Covington; Dec. 1, 
1809 

(k) Letter of L. Covington to A. Covington; April 13, 
1812 

(1) Memorandum from L. Covington to A. Covington ; 
1812 


XVIII Frontier SETTLEMENT 
1 Pioneering in the heroic stage , 
Extracts from the journal of Col. Rigid ee as 
Kentucky, 1775 
2 The Virginia frontier; 1715 
Extracts from John Fontaine’s Journal 
3 North Carolina interior settlement; 1768 
Anonymous journal of a trip from Newbern to Riley 
4 Official disesteem of the backwoods population 
Letter of Jas. Habersham to James Wnueht; ; Georgia, ree 
5 Agencies for land location 
(a) Advertisement from the Georgia eae pe I de 
pendent Federal Register (Savannah), Dec. 21, 1793 
(b) Advertisement from the Tennessee Weekly Chronicle 
(Clarksville), June 7, 1819 
6 The frontier-plantation régime in Louisiana at the time of the 
Mississippi Bubble; 1718-1720 ; 
Extracts from Le Page du Pratz’s History of py 
7 Disturbance in Texas over the uncertainty of the status of 
negroes in slavery 
News item from the Louisiana J peas, (St. Resnceaille ; 
Nov. 11, 1826 
8 Texan immigration; 1828 


eZ 


219 


230 
236 


238 Lie 


239 


240 


250 


251 


20 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


News item from the Georgia Courier (Augusta), July 
3, 1828 
9 Social conditions and prospects in Texas; 1834 : 
Letter from Texas, from the Southern Banner (Athens, 
Ga.), July 19, 1834 
10 A Texan canard 
Southern Banner (Agieds: Ga.), May up 1836 
11 A Texan pioneer type ; 
Extract from Charles Lyell’s 4 ane Vis isit to pe United 
States; 1846 
12 Shifting of population in Texas 
News item from the Democratic Tcleoraae one Tie 
Register (Houston), Jan. 27, 1848 
13 Lexan attractions advertised 
Editorial from the Texian Advocate (Vierasiai ne 22; 
1848 
14 The launching of towns 
(a) Advertisement from the Waren Chee ja be 
1767 
(b) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette, April 7, 
1774 
(c) Letter of John Sappington to William Croghan; 
Tennessee, 1791 
(d) Advertisement from the Tennessee Herald, Feb. 21, 


1818 
(e) News item from the Georgia Courier (Augusta), 
Aug. I1, 1828 


XIX Frontier INDUSTRY 
1 Self-dependence required 
Extract of a letter of Rev. John Weuaere to the secre- 
tary of the Society for Propagating the Gospel; North 
Carolina, 1711 
2 An example of versatility 
Advertisement from the Winchesnt (Va.) Gases thee. 
2, 1801 
3 Variety in crops, early Carolina piedmont 
(a) News item from the South Carolina Cleats. 
(Charleston), July 15, 1766 
(b) News letter from the Boston (Mass.) Chronicle, 
Dec. 5-12, 1768 


252 


254 


255 


256 


257 


258 


271 


272 


273 


CONTENTS OF VOLUME II 


(c) Letter of Jennett Linn to Captain John Linn; South 
Carolina, 1779 
4 The building of houses and fences a 
(a) Contract between John Johnson atl ies Patton ; 
Shenandoah Valley, 1755 
(b) Contract between Peter Looney and James Patton; 
1755 
5 Cattle droving 
Notice from the La F roe rates (Eaaaledcod La. ), 
June 24, 1826 
6 Bee hunting 
News item from the Baro Ringe (La.) Gasian: ee, 
2, 1826 
7 Organized barter 
Advertisement from the Kacwyile) (Tenn. ) Reewies Dee! 
3, 1824 
XX Frontier Society 
1 The Georgia-Carolina frontier on the eve of the American 
Revolution : 
Richard Elliott, Reset tiaak: 1775 
2 A Georgia camp meeting in the pioneer period - 
Letter of Jesse Lee to the editor, from the Farmer’s 
Gazette (Sparta, Ga.), Aug. 8, 1807 
3 Items from the Shenandoah Valley 
Extracts from the records of Augusta County, ia rae. 
1754 
4 Seeking a wife 
Extract from a letter of Peter ie to William Bec: 
Virginia, 1764 
5 Indian relations 
(a) Warrant issued by Pikes Parton: Wisin ey 5 
(b) Affidavit by John Watts; Virginia, 1753 
6 Defence 
(a) Extracts poe David Seabee urial of ranging on 
the Potomac; 1692 
(b) Letter of R. Nelson to Gen. Daniel Smith; Tennes- 
see, 1789 
7 Lawlessness 
(a) Letter of S.. ene to oe Weve: Neate, 
1809 


21 


275; 


277 


277 


278 


279 


284 


286 


289 


289 


292 


295 


22 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


(b) News item from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, 
Ga.), Jan. 24, 1837 

(c) News item from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, Sept. 
20, 1819 

(d) Editorial from the Raleigh (N.C.) Standard, Nov. 1, 
1837 

(e) News item from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, 
Ga.), Oct. 18, 1859 


XXI MANUFACTURING 


1 Manufacturing centers 2301 
(a) News item from the Aghete (Ga) Guess June 
13, 1816 


(b) Article from the Town Gazette & Farmers’ Regis- 
ter (Clarksville, Tenn.), Sept. 13, 1819 

(c) Editorial from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, 
Ga.), April 1, 1845 

(d) Article ibid., Nov. 28, 1848 

2 Iron works . 304 

(a) Wap eeetent a the Chale (S: Cc) by 
Gazette, May 12, 1795 

(b) Article from the Atlanta (Ga.) Daily Intelligencer, 
April 8, 1859 

3 Textiles—the domestic system ; 314 

(a) Public notice issued by Robert Gem Vie aay 

(b) Contract of Robert Carter with Daniel Sullivan; 
1782 

(c) Estimates furnished by Daniel Sullivan; 1787 

(d) Letter of James Benny to Robert Carter; Virginia, 
1793 

(e) Record of operations in George Washington’s weav- 
ing establishment for 1767 

(f) Summary of weaving operations in Washington’s 
establishment for 1768 

(g) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette, Jan. 13, 
1774 

(h) Advertisement idid., Sept 8, 1774 

(i) Advertisement ibid., Dec. 10, 1767 

(j) Advertisement from the Tennessee Gazette &* Mero 
District Advertiser (Nashville), Oct. 24, 1804 


CONTENTS OF VOLUME II bie) 


(k) Advertisement from the Kentucky Gazette and Gen- 
eral Advertiser (Lexington), Sept. 4, 1806 
(1) Advertisement from the Elkton (Md.) Press, July 
19, 1828 
(m) Advertisement from the Federal Union (Milledge- 
ville, Ga.), June 22, 1858 
4 Textiles—the factory system : ot 330 
(a) Article from Niles’s Register (Batiuare) wide 23, 
1838 
b) Editorial from the Georgia Courier (Augusta), July 
24, 1828 
(c) Editorial from the Georgia Courier, Oct. 9, 1828 
(d) Advertisement from the Federal Union (Milledge- 
ville, Ga.), Sept. 3, 1834 
(e) Advertisement from the Kentucky Reporter (Lexing- 
ton), Sept. 2, 1829 
(f) News item from the Athenian (Athens, Ga.), Feb. 
15, 1828 
(g) Article from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), 
April 15, 1845 
5 Textiles—capital and labor : ae hee) 
(a) Extract from Charles Lyell’s Shona Visit to the 
United States 
(b) Article from the Georgia Courier (Augusta), June 
23, 1828 
(c) Extract from F. L. Olmsted’s Journey in the Sea- 
board Slave States 
XXII Pusiic REGULATION oF INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE 
1 Assize of bread ; 343 
(a) Notice from the Ciisdesean| (S.C.) City Gees, 
March 4, 1825 
(b) Notice from the Charleston Morning Post and Daily 
‘Advertiser, Nov. 14, 1786 
(c) Article from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, Aug. 27, 


1808 
2 City market regulations : : aU AS 
Ordinance of the city of freieral Ga.; 1818 
3 Regulation of mill toll : : #346 


Act of the Georgia General ASS Ab 1786 


24 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


XXIII Artisans AND Town Lazpor 
1 Labor demand 

(a) News letter from ae Spirit of Seated six (Prank. 
fort, Ky.), Nov. 15, 1827 

(b) Advertisement from the Charleston (S.C.) City 
Gazette, March 1, 1826 

(c) Advertisement from the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, 
June 21, 1811 

(d) Advertisement from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, 


Aug. 1, 1818 

(e) Advertisement from the Winchester (Va.) Gazette, 
Jan. 30, 1799 

(f) Extract from E. §. Abdy’s Journal of a Residence in 
the U.S.; 1833 


(g) Advertisement from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, 
March 2, 1811 
(h) Advertisement from the Tennessee Gazette & Mero 
District Advertiser, Oct. 24, 1804 
(i) Advertisement from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, 
Dec. 6, 1800 
(j) News item from Niles’s Register (Baltimore), Aug. 
4, 1838 
2 Artisans’ Establishments 
(a) Advertisement from the Viiciats Gascnel ave g. 
1751 
(b) Advertisement from the Charleston (S.C.) Evening 
Gazette, Aug. 1, 1785 
(c) Advertisement from the Gazette of the State of South 
Carolina (Charleston), March 7, 1785 
(d) Advertisement from the Savannah (Ga.) Republican, 
Jan. 17, 1804 
3 Pleas for the support of local mechanics 
(a) Letter from the Charleston (S.C.) City pene h 
March 4, 1828 
(b) Editorial from the Atlanta (Ga.) Daily Intelligen- 
cer, Oct. 8, 1858 
4 Association of white and negro labor 
(a) Letter from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga. ), 
March 18, 1836 
(b) Extract from J. §. Buckingham’s Slave States of 
America; 1839 


347 


350 


354 


356 


CONTENTS OF VOLUME II 


(c) Article from the Georgia Courier (Augusta), April 
24, 1828 

(d) Editorial from the Southern Banner (Athens, Ga.), 
March 3, 1859 

(e) Advertisement from the Moniteur de la Louisiane, 


Oct. 9, 1809 
(f) News item from the Louisiana Gazette, March 9, 
1819 


& Jealousy of white artisans toward negro competition 
(a) Letter from the Southern Banner (Athens, Ga.), Jan. 
13, 1838 
(b) Extract from Charles Lyell’s Second Visit to the 
United States 
(c) Petition of mechanics and laborers of Atlanta, Ga., 
to the city council; 1858 
(d) Extract from a petition of sundry citizens of Atlanta 
to the city council; 1859 
(e) Extract from an ordinance adopted by the city council 
of Atlanta; 1859 
6 Mechanics’ Associations 
(a) Act incorporating the eoane en Wesscetin of 
Mechanics; 1793 
(b) Act incorporating the Savannah, Ga., House Car- 
penters; 1802 
(c) Resolutions and constitution of the Athens (Ga.) 
Mechanics’ Mutual Aid Association; 1836 
7 Instances of Trades-unionism : 
(a) Proceedings of the Augusta (ey aiaocrshical 
Society; 1836 
(b) Rates fixed by the New Orleans Journeymen print- 
ers; 1836 


25 


360 


368 


376 


aay Phan Hin 


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ILLUSTRATION TO VOLUME II 


Recorp oF Operations in George Washington’s Weaving 
Establishment for the year 1767 4 : : 3) gare 


IX. PLANTATION LABOR-NEGRO SLAVES 


1. SELAVEHOLDING HARD TO AVOID IN SLAVE LABOR 
DISTRICTS 


Extract from a letter of Peter Fontaine, Westover, Va.. March 30, 1757, 
printed in Ann Maury’s Memoirs of a Huguenot Family (New York, 
1853), 35%, 352- 


As to your second query, if enslaving our fellow 
creatures be a practice agreeable to Christianity, it is 
answered in a great measure in many treatises at home, 
to which I refer you. I shall only mention something 
of our present state here. 

Like Adam we are all apt to shift off the blame 
from ourselves and lay it upon others, how justly in 
our case you may judge. The negroes, are enslaved by 
the negroes themselves before they are purchased by 
the masters of the ships who bring them here. It is 
to be sure at our choice whether we buy them or not, 
so this then is our crime, folly, or whatever you will 
please to call it. But, our Assembly, foreseeing the ill 
consequences of importing such numbers amongst us, 
hath often attempted to lay a duty upon them which 
would amount to a prohibition, such as ten or twenty 
pounds a head, but no Governor dare pass such a law, 
having instructions to the contrary from the Board of 
Trade at home. By this means they are forced upon 
us, whether we will or will not. This plainly shows 
the African Company hath the advantage of the colo- 
nies, and may do as it pleases with the Ministry. 

Indeed, since we have been exhausted of our little 


30 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


stock of cash by war, the importation has stopped; our 
poverty then is our best security. There is no more 
picking for their ravenous jaws upon bare bones, but 
should we begin to thrive they will be at the same 
again. All our taxes are now laid upon slaves and on 
shippers of tobacco, which they wink at while we are 
in danger of being torn from them, but we durst not 
do it in time of peace, it being looked upon as the high- 
est presumption to lay any burden upon trade. This is 
our part of the grievance, but to live in Virginia with- 
out slaves is morally impossible. Before our troubles, 
you could not hire a servant or slave for love or money, 
so that unless robust enough to cut wood, to go to mill, 
to work at the hoe, &c., you must starve or board in 
some family where they both fleece and half starve you. 
There is no set price upon corn, wheat, and provisions, 
so they take advantage of the necessities of strangers, 
who are thus obliged to purchase some slaves and land. 
This of course draws us all into the original sin and 
curse of the country of purchasing slaves, and this is 
the reason we have no merchants, traders, or artificers 
of any sort here but what become planters in a short 
time. 

A common laborer, white or black, if you can be so 
favored as to hire one, is a shilling sterling or fifteen 
pence currency per day; a bungling carpenter two shil- 
lings or two shillings and sixpence per day; besides diet 
and lodging. That is, for a lazy fellow to get wood 
and water, £19. 16. 3, current per annum; add to this 


seven or eight pounds more and you have a slave for 
life. 


NEGRO SLAVE LABOR Qa 


2. THE BREAKING IN OF FRESH AFRICANS 


Robin, C. C. Voyages . . . de la Louisiane (Paris, 1807), vol. iii, 
169-170, describing the process followed with new Negroes in 
Louisiana. ‘Translated by the editor. 


Negroes bought from the importers and carried home 
by the purchasers are ordinarily treated differently 
from the old ones. They are only gradually accustomed 
to work. They are made to bathe often, to take walks 
from time to time, and especially to dance; they are 
distributed in small numbers among old slaves in order 
to dispose them better to acquire their habits. These 
attentions are not usually due to sentiments of humanity. 
Interest requires them. It happens too often that poor 
masters, who have no other slaves, or are too greedy, 
require hard labor of these fresh negroes, exhaust them 
quickly, lose them by sickness and more often by grief. 
Often they hasten their own death; some wound them- 
selves, others stifle themselves by drawing in the tongue 
so as to close the breathing passage, others take poison, 
or flee and perish of misery and hunger. The Africans 
imported into Louisiana are still more exposed to dis- 
eases than those of the other colonies [the French West 
Indies]. The winter bringing sharp and sudden frosts, 
is extremely hurtful to the negroes, especially when 
they are not young. They must always be covered and 
kept warm. The parsimony of some planters whom I 
could mention has cost them dear. 


3. DISCIPLINE AND RIDDANCE OF REFRACTORY 
SLAVES 


Extracts from the correspondence between Charles Manigault and his 
overseers on Gowrie Plantation, Chatham County, Ga. MSS. and 
MS. copies in the possession of Mrs. H. Jenkins, Pinopolis, S.C. 

(a) Charles Manigault, Paris, France, Marche1, 1847, to Mr. Haynes 
on Savannah River. 


With regard to Jacob (whom you say is the only 


32 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


disorderly one) you had best think carefully respecting 
him, and always keep in mind the important old plan- 
tation maxim — viz. “never to threaten a negro” or he 
will do as you & I would when at school he will run. 
But with such a one whenever things get too bad, you 
should take a certain opportunity, when for instance 
he is with the Driver in the provision room, and you at 
the door, with a string in your own pocket-then pull 
it out and order him tied—for if in such a case a negro 
succeeds in dodging & running from you, the annoy- 
ance is great—but having got him, if you wish to make 
an example of him take him down to the Savannah Jail, 
& give him prison discipline & by all means solitary 
confinement for 3 weeks, when he will be glad to get 
home again—but previous to his coming out let them 
jog his memory again, mind then and tell him that you 
and he are quits—that you will never dwell on old quar- 
rels with him — that he has now a clear track before him, 
& all depends on himself, for he now sees how easy it 
is to fix ‘‘a bad disposed nigger.” ‘Then give my com- 
pliments to him & tell him that you wrote me of his 
conduct, & I say if he don’t change for the better I'll 
sell him to a slave trader who will send him to New 
Orleans, where I have already sent several of the gang 
for their misconduct, or their running away for no 
cause. 

(b) William Capers, Gowrie Plantation, Sept. 15, 1863, to Charles 

Manigault, Charleston, S.C. 

Jack Savage . . . has been quite impertinent to 
Mr. Tapper who was fixing the Engine &. . . & 
said to old Charles he had not come home to be 
killed up with work, his general deportment since Sun- 
day morning indicates a disposition to run away. I 
have him securely confined & I advise you to sell him. 


NEGRO SLAVE LABOR 33 


(c) William Capers, Savannah, Ga., Sept. 21, 1863, to Charles Mani- 
gault, Charleston. 


Yours of 18thjusttohand . . . Ihave described 
Jack Savage to a man who does not sell negroes only in 
this market but buys and sells away from this place. 
From my description of Jack he offers $1800. I will 
bring Jack to Savannah by Friday & put him in jail 
where he can be seen. Mr. Saddler, the person making 
the offer can deside of price offered & your approval 
of offer, the negro to be sent away, far from us. I have 
been making inquiry respecting negroe sales. They are 
selling here at a high price. Jack if 30 years old would 
bring $2500. Please inform me how to act for you at 
an early day. 

P.S. [I] advise you to take $1800 for Jack. In case 
you conclude to take it, what must I do with the money. 


(d) Same to same, Sept.: 28, 1863. 

I sold Jack this morning at $1800, the amount in 
Bank for you, it would have provoked you tc have 
heard Jack’s lies of his inability &c. 


4. NEGRO LABOR SLOW AND CARELESS 


“Extracts from the Dairy of Col. Landon Carter,” . . . published 
in William and Mary College Quarterly, vol. xiii, 159, 162, and 223. 


August 16,1771. Col. Brockenbrough came here last 
night. He says he never got above a bushel a day of 
wheat whipped out by any hand he had; and he de- 
clared that those who boast otherwise must measure 
chaff and all. I have spent a day at it with my overseer, 
and it was as much as 8 hands could produce 8 bushels. 

May 23, 1772. I gave my people a holiday this day, 
notwithstanding my work is so backward. The drouth 
seems to have afflicted them, and a play day may raise 
their spirits. 


34 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


September 25, 1772. ‘There is nothing so absurd as 
the generality of negroes are. If in the beginning of 
cutting tobacco, without watching they will cut all be- 
fore them, and now when there is danger of losing to- 
bacco by the frost should it happen, they will not cut 
pl[an]ts really ripe because they may be thicker, just as 
if there was time to let it stand longer. My Jades at 
the Fork would not cut half that they might have done 
yesterday, because they thought it wd be thicker; how- 
ever, I set them in today and made them cut every good 
plant. 


5. PETTY ANNOYANCES IN USING NEGRO LABOR 


Olmsted, F. L. Journey in the Seaboard Slave States (New York, 1856), 
44-47: 

Comparison by Olmsted of conditions on a plantation near Richmond, 
Va., which he was then visiting (1853-1854) with those on his own 
farm in New York State. 


SLAVE LAzBor. The labor of this farm was entirely 
performed by slaves. I did not inquire their number, 
but I judged there were from twenty to forty. Their 
“quarters” lined the approach-road to the mansion, and 
were well-made and comfortable log cabins, about 
thirty feet long by twenty wide, and eight feet wall, 
with a high loft and shingle roof. Each, divided in the 
middle, and having a brick chimney outside the wall 
at each end, was intended to be occupied by two fam- 
ilies. There were square windows, closed by wooden 
ports, having a single pane of glass in the center. The 
house-servants were neatly dressed, but the field hands 
wore very coarse and ragged garments. 

During three hours, or more, in which I was in com- 
pany with the proprietor, I do not think there were ten 
consecutive minutes uninterrupted by some of the slaves 
requiring his personal direction or assistance. He was 
even obliged, three times, to leave the dinner-table. 


NEGRO SLAVE LABOR 35 


“You see,” said he, smiling, as he came in the last 
time, “‘a farmer’s life in this country, is no sinecure.” 
This turning the conversation to Slavery, he observed, 
in answer to a remark of mine, “I only wish your phil- 
anthropists would contrive some satisfactory plan to re- 
lieve us of it; the trouble and the responsibility of prop- 
erly taking care of our negroes, you may judge from 
what you see yourself here, is anything but enviable. 
But what can we do that is better? Our free negroes- 
and, I believe it is the same at the North as it is here— 
are a miserable set of vagabonds, drunken, vicious, 
worse off it is my honest opinion, than those who are 
retained in slavery. I am satisfied too, that our slaves 
are better off, as they are, than the majority of your free 
laboring classes at the North.” 

I expressed my doubts. 

“Well, they certainly are better off than the English 
agricultural laborers or, I believe, those of any other 
Christian country. Free labor might be more profitable 
to us: I am inclined to think it would be. The slaves 
are excessively careless and wasteful, and, in various 
ways—which, without you lived among them, you could 
hardly be made to understand — subject us to very an- 
noying losses. 

“To make anything by farming, here, a man has got 
_ to live a hard life. You see how constantly I am called 
upon—and, often, it is about as bad at night as by day. 
Last night I did not sleep a wink till near morning; I 
am quite worn out with it, and my wife’s health is fail- 
ing. But I cannot rid myself of it.” 


OVERSEERS. I asked why he did not employ an over- 
seer. 

“Because I do not think it right to trust to such men 
as we have to use, if we use any, for overseers.” 


36 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


“Ts the general character of overseers bad?” 

“They are the curse of this country, sir: the worst 
meninthecommunity. . . But lately, I had another 
sort of fellow offer—a fellow like a dancing-master, with 
kid gloves, and wrist-bands turned up over his coat 
sleeves, and all so nice, that I was almost ashamed to 
talk to him in my old coat and slouched hat. Half a 
bushel of recommendations he had with him, too. 
Well, he was not the man for me—not half the gentle- 
man, with all his airs, that Ned here is”—(a black serv- 
ant, who was bursting with suppressed laughter, behind 
his chair.) 

“Oh, they are interesting creatures, sir,” he contin- 
ued, “and, with all their faults, have many beautiful 
traits. I can’t help being attached to them and I am 
sure they love us.” In his own case, at least, I did not 
doubt it; his manner towards them was paternal, fa- 
miliar and kind; and they came to him like children 
who have been given some task, and constantly are 
wanting to be encouraged and guided, simply and con- 
fidently. At dinner, he frequently addressed the serv- 
ant familiarly, and drew him into our conversation as if 
he were a family friend, better informed on some local 
and domestic points, than himself. 

He informed me that able-bodied field-hands were 
hired out, in this vicinity, at the rate of one hundred 
dollars a year, and their board and clothing. Four 
able-bodied men that J have employed the last year, on 
my farm in New York, I pay, on an average, one hun- 
dred and five dollars each, and board them; they clothe 
themselves at an expense, I think, of twenty dollars a 
year; probably, slaves’ clothing costs twice that. They 
constitute all the force of my farm, hired by the year 
(except a boy, who goes to school in Winter), and, in 


NEGRO SLAVE LABOR 37 


my absence, have no overseer except one of themselves, 
whom I appoint. I pay the fair wages of the market, 
more than any of my neighbors, I believe, and these 
are no lower than the average of what I have paid for 
the last five years. It is difficult to measure the labor 
performed in a day by one, with that of the other, on ac- 
count of undefined differences in the soil, and in the 
bulk and weight of articles operated upon. But here, 
I am shown tools that no man in his senses, with us, 
would allow a laborer, to whom he was paying wages, 
to be encumbered with; and the excessive weight and 
clumsiness of which, I would judge, would make work 
at least ten per cent greater than those ordinarily used 
with us. And I am assured that, in the careless and 
clumsy way they must be used by the slaves, anything 
lighter or less rude could not be furnished them with 
good economy, and that such tools as we constantly give 
our laborers, and find our profit in giving them, would 
not last out a day in a Virginia corn-field—much lighter 
and more free from stones though it be than ours. 

So, too, when I ask why mules are so universally sub- 
stituted for horses on the farm, the first reason given, 
and confessedly the most conclusive one, is, that horses 
cannot bear the treatment that they always must get 
from negroes; horses are always soon foundered or 
_ crippled by them, but mules will bear cudgeling, and 
lose a meal or two now and then, and not be materially 
injured, and they do not take cold or get sick if neg- 
lected or overworked. But I do not need to go further 
than to the window of the room in which I am writing, 
to see, at almost any time, treatment of cattle that would 
insure the immediate discharge of the driver, by almost 
any farmer owning them atthe North. . . 


38 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


6. CASES OF CHRONIC SHIRKING AND TROUBLE- | 
MAKING 


(a) Letter of John B. Lamar, Macon, Ga., to his sister, Mrs. Howell 
Cobb; April 27, 1846. MS. in the possession of Mrs, A. S. Erwin, 
Athens, Ga. 


Yours of the 22nd came duly to hand. With refer- 
ence to the building of your negro house, I expect it 
would be best under all the circumstances to have it 
done as John proposed, let some one find all the materi- 
als & do the work at a specific price. But $250 is a 
high price for a negro house & unless it is to be a 
mighty fine negro house. 

Whoever does the work ought to furnish certain 
specifications, such as the dimensions of the house, the 
number of lights &c so that you can have some means 
of judging if you are not paying double price. 

My man Ned the carpenter is idle or nearly so at 
the plantation. He is fixing gates & like the idle groom 
in Pickwick trying to fool himself into the belief that 
he is doing something. But on considering his general 
character for intemperance & disobedience, & quarrel- 
someness I have concluded it would be best to pay a 
little too much for the house, rather than inflict him on 
you at this time. While I was gone I had him in town 
& on returning found that he had been drunk & fight- 
ing, and misbehaving in every way, so that I have ban- 
ished him to rural life. He is an eye servant. If I was 
with him I could have the work done soon & cheap, 
but I am afraid to trust him off where there is no one 
he fears. He is doing literally nothing at home, and 
sparing him would not be a cents expense as to that, but 
I conclude that you do not feel like being annoyed, just 
now, as I fear & almost know he would annoy you, by 
getting drunk & raising a row on the lot. I shall sell 
the rascal the first chance I get. 


NEGRO SLAVE LABOR 39 


(b) Extract from a letter of Elisha Cain, overseer on Retreat Planta- 
tion, Jefferson County, Ga., to his employer, Alexander Telfair; 
Savannah, Ga., Nov. 4, 1833. MS. in the possession of the Georgia 
Historical Society, trustee for the Telfair Academy of Arts and 
Sciences, Savannah. 


I get on Prety well with all the negroes Except Dar- 
key she is the most troublesome one on the place Mak- 
ing disturbances amongst the Rest of the negroes and 
there is hardly any of them will Even go near the yard, 
she is of such a cruel disposition, not Even her sisters 
family. she could not stay in the yard with the girls you 
sent up without making an interruption with them. at 
length she got so high I went there and give her a 
moderate correction and that had a Bad affect she 
then threatened their lives and said that she would poi- 
son them they become alarmed and ask me permission 
to move to the Quarter I give them leave they have 
Been in the Quarter about one weeke. as I have com- 
menced the subject I will give you a full history of my 
Belief of Darkey. to wit I believe her disposition as to 
temper is as Bad as any in the whole world I believe 
she is as unfaithful as any I have Ever Been acquainted 
with in every respect I believe she has Been more in- 
jury to you in the place where she is than two such 
negroes would sell for. I do not believe there is any 
negro on the place But would do Better than she has 
Ever done since I have been acquainted with her. I 
have tryed and done all I could to get on with her 
hopeing that she would mend. but I have Been disap- 
pointed in Every instant. I can not hope for the better 
any longer. 


40 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


7. SLAVES’ PURCHASE OF FREEDOM 


(a) Lewis, M. G. Journal of a West India Proprietor (London, 1834), 
399, 400. Diary of the author while on a visit to his Jamaica 
plantation, 1817. 


May 1. This morning I signed the manumission of 
Nicholas Cameron, the best of my mulatto carpenters. 
He has been so often on the very point of getting his 
liberty, and still the cup was dashed from his lips, that 
I had promised to set him free, whenever he could pro- 
cure an able negro as his substitute; although being a 
good workman, a single negro was by no means an ade- 
quate price in exchange. On my arrival this year I 
found that he had agreed to pay £150 for a female 
negro, and the woman was approved of by my trustee. 
But on enquiry it appeared that she had a child, from 
which she was unwilling to separate, and that her 
owner refused to sell the child, except at a most unrea- 
sonable price. Here then was an unsurmountable ob- 
jection to my accepting her, and Nicholas was told to 
his great mortification, that he must look out for an- 
other substitute. The woman on her part, was deter- 
mined to belong to Cornwall estate and no other: so she 
told her owner that if he attempted to sell her elsewhere 
she would make away with herself, and on his ordering 
her to prepare for a removal to a neighboring propri- 
etor’s she disappeared, and concealed herself so well, 
that for some time she was believed to have put her 
threats of suicide into execution. The idea of losing 
his £150 frightened her master so completely, that he 
declared himself ready to let me have the child at a fair 
price, as well as the mother, if ever she should be found; 
and her friends having conveyed this assurance to her, 
she thought proper to emerge from her hiding-place, 
and the bargain was arranged finally. 


NEGRO SLAVE LABOR 41 


(b) Letter of Billy Proctor, a slave, to John B. Lamar, Macon, Ga.; 
Americus, Ga., Dec. 1, 1854. MS. in the possession of Mrs. A. S. 
Erwin, Athens, Ga. The original is in a clear, strong handwriting, 
presumably Billy Proctor’s own. 


Mk. JOHN B. LAMAR, Macon, Ga. 

Sir, As my owner, Mr. Chapman has determined to 
dispose of all his Painters, I would prefer to have you 
buy me to any other man. And I am anxious to get you 
to do so if you will. You know me very well yourself, 
but as I wish you to be fully satisfied, I beg leave to re- 
fer you to Mr Nathan C. Monroe Dr. Strohecker and 
Mr Bogg. I am in distress at this time, and will be 
until I hear from you what you will do. I can be 
bought for $1000—and I think that you might get me 
for 50 Dolls less if you try, though that is Mr Chap- 
man’s price. Now Mas John, I want to be plain and 
honest with you. If you will buy me I will pay you $600- 
per year untill this money is paid, or at any rate will pay 
for myself in two years. I knew nothing of this matter 
last night when at your house, or I would have men- 
tioned it while there. I am fearfull that if you do not 
buy me, there is no telling where I may have to go, and 
Mr. C. wants me to go where I would be satisfied,—I 
promise you to serve you faithfully and I know that I 
am as sound and healthy as any one you can find. You 
will confer a great favour sir, by Granting my request, 
and J would be very glad to hear from you in regard 
- to the matter at your earliest convenience.—I would 
rather you would not say anything to Mr. C- about 
this matter untill I can hear from you, for I assure you 
I am in great distress and trouble at this time, but if 
you will grant my request—you will please write me 
a few lines, and I will come immediately to Macon to 
see you. Your obedient & Humble Svt 
Americus, Ga. December 1, 1854. BILLY PROCTOR 


42 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


P.S. I am perfectly willing to wear round coats and 
striped breeches and will make you the purchase money 
in two years. 


8. BORDER WARFARE OVER SLAVE PROPERTY 


News item from New Orleans (La.) Bee, July 28, 1845. 

The Alexandria Western Democrat of the 23rd. inst. 
contains the particulars of a strange affair which re- 
cently occurred in that neighborhood. It seems that in 
November last, one James Spurlock and his overseer, 
Wm. Norton, “run” to Texas some seventy negroes. 
Tempting rewards were offered for their recovery, and 
a young man of sanguine character and great bravery 
attempted the exploit, succeeded in reaching Spurlock’s 
residence, and secured five negroes, but was pursued 
and his prey wrested from him, the adventurer being 
permitted to escape, by special grace, with a whole 
skin. Nothing daunted by this reverse, our hero gath- 
ered about fifteen armed men, and again proceeded to 
Texas, reached Spurlock’s dwelling, secured fifty-six 
negroes, a number of horses, mules, &c., and marched 
directly for the Sabine. When about forty five miles 
from Alexandria, the party overpowered by fatigue, 
stopped and sunk into slumber, from which they were 
awakened by the whistling of bullets through the tents. 
All but the leader and two of his men took to their 
heels and fled for dear life. The Assailants numbered 
about 40 men. The two who stood by their leader, 
named McDaniel and Wilson were shot dead. The 
principal in the enterprise, and a young man named 
McGhee, who came up afterwards, succeeded in kill- 
ing two of their opponents, and wounding another, 
and then made their retreat. The slaves were retaken 
and the victors started for home. 


NEGRO SLAVE LABOR 43 


The Western Democrat, commenting on this affair, 
very properly observes: ‘We need not say that these 
proceedings are illegal and clearly unjustifiable. We 
know of no law by which the territory of a neighboring 
power can be invaded, and property forcibly wrested 
from the inhabitants. The parties to the transactions 
named, are equally guilty of a violation of all law, hu- 
man and divine, and it is high time that the strong arm 
of Power should interpose, and put a stop to scenes that 
would disgrace the guerilla warfare of old Spain. We 
will soon return to the ‘old principles,’ if might be per- 
mitted to triumph over the right, or even over Injus- 


tice.” 
g. VARIED SIDE LIGHTS 


(a) Letter of Eliza Lucas, South Carolina, Feb. 6, 1742, to Charles 
Pinkney, her fiancé, at Charleston, printed in Journal and Letters 
of Eliza Lucas (Wormsloe, 1850). 

Teaching young negroes to read. 


To THE Hon” C™ PINCKNEY Feb’ 6th 1741-2. 

Sir, I received yesterday the favour of your advice 
as a physician and want no arguments to convince me I 
should be much better for both my good friends Com- 
pany. a much pleasanter prescription than Doc’ 
Meads w™ I have just received. To follow my in- 
clination at this time I must endeavor to forget that I 
have a Sister to instruct and a parcel of little Negroes 
whom I have undertaken to teach to read and instead 
of writing an answer bring it myself. and indeed grat- 
itude as well as inclination obliges me to wait on Mrs. 
Pinckney as soon as I can but it will not be in my power 
till a month or two hence. Mama pays her comp* to 
Mrs. Pinckney and hopes she will excuse her waiting 
on her at this time but will not fail to do it very soon 
I am a very Dunce for I have not acquired the writing 
short hand yet with any degree of swiftness but I am 


44 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


not always so for I give a very good Proof of the bright- 
ness of my Genius when I can distinguish well enough 
to Subscribe my Self with great Esteem, Sir, y" most 
obed humble Serv’ ELIZA Lucas. 
(b) The personal equation. 
Extract of a letter of James Habersham, Savannah, Ga., April 19, 
1775, to the Countess of Huntingdon, London, concerning affairs on 
the Countess’s plantation near the Bethesda Orphanage in Georgia, 


printed in the Georgia Historical Society Collections, vol. vi, 242. 
MS. copy in the possession of the Georgia Historical Society. 


Last November I sent a fine young Fellow a Cooper 
to your Ladyship’s Plantation to make Rice Barrels and 
teach two of your People that Business, and I had trou- 
ble enough to make him go there, for I do not chuse 
to make use of force and violence; and I have now one 
of my men there, to instruct and direct your Negroes 
how to plant, for whom I have been offered 200 Guin- 
eas, and to use his own Expression, when I told him 
he wou’d oblige me to go there, [he said] that I wanted 
to sell him softly, that is without his Consent and 
Knowledge. I perfectly understood his meaning, and 
assured him that I had no intention to part with him. I 
mention these trifling Anecdotes to evince to your Lady- 
ship that we do not treat our Negroes as some people - 
imagine. 

(c) Letter of John Peck, Billingsgate (presumably in Virginia), Sept. 

8, 1788, to Robert Carter of Nomoni Hall, Virginia. MS. in the 


possession of the Virginia Historical Society, Carter Papers. 
Marital arrangements. 


Billingsgate, 8th Sept. 1788. 
Dear Sir, Mrs. Peck is desirous to have a negro wom- 
an of yours named Franky, now at Taurus-plantation— 
I am willing to purchase said woman, with Blacksmith 
Tom her husband, & their children; & would wish that 
the matter might be negotiated as soon as may be con- 
venient. é 


NEGRO SLAVE LABOR 45 


My man George Jones has a wife at Colespoint, — if 
you approve of the scheme, I will send him to take 
Tom’s place until Christmas; as I want the latter to as- 
sist in moving my clover, & afterwards in building 
himself a house before the Winter sets in—However 
this is just as you please. 

(d) Letter of A. R. Wright, Louisville, Ga., to Howell Cobb at Cherry 


Hill in the same county. MS. in the possession of Mrs. A. S. Erwin, 
Athens, Ga. 


As my boy Reuben has formed an attachment to 
one of your girls & wants her for a wife this is to let you 
know that I am perfectly willing that he should, with 
your consent marry her His character is good, he is 
honest faithful and industrious. 

(e) Lyell, Charles. Second Visit to the United States (New York, 

1849), vol. ii, 18x, describing conditions in Missouri. 

A great spirit of equality was observable in the man- 
hers of the whites towards each other at New Madrid, 
yet with an absence of all vulgar familiarity. But what 
I saw and heard convinced me that the condition of the 
negroes is least enviable in such out-of-the-way and 
half-civilized districts, where there are many adven- 
turers and uneducated settlers, who have little control 
over their passions, and who, when they oppress their 
slaves, are not checked by public opinion as in more ad- 
vanced communities. 


(f) Town Gazette & Farmers’ Register (Clarksville, Tenn.), Aug. 
9, 1819. 

Notice. Whereas my negroes have been much in the 
habit of working at night for such persons as will em- 
ploy them, to the great injury of their health and mor- 
als. I therefore forbid all persons employing them 
without my special permission in writing. I also for- 
bid trading with them, buying from or selling to them, 


46 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


without my written permit stating the article they may 
buy or sell. The law will be strictly enforced against 
transgressors, without respect to persons. 

MorcGANn Brown. 


(g) Lyell, Charles. Second Visit to the United States (New York, 1849), 
vol. ii, 72. Describing conditions at Tuscaloosa, Alabama. 
Slave labor expensive. 


The colored domestic servants are treated with great 
indulgence at Tuscaloosa. One day some of them gave 
a supper to a large party of their friends in the house 
of a family which we visited, and they feasted their 
guests on roast turkeys, ice-creams, jellies, and cakes. 
Turkeys here cost only seventy-five cents, or about three 
shillings, the couple, prepared for the table; the price 
of a wild turkey, an excellent bird, is twenty-five cents, 
or one shilling. After calculating the interest of the 
money laid out in the purchase of the slaves, and the 
price of their food, a lawyer undertook to show me that 
a negro cost less than an English servant; “ but, as two 
blacks do the work of only one white, it is a mere delu- 
sion,” he said, “to imagine that their labor is not 
dearer.” It is usual, moreover, not to exact the whole 
of their time for domestic duties. I found a footman, 
for example, working on his own account as a boot- 
maker at spare hours, and another getting perquisites 
by blacking the students’ shoes. 

That slave labor is more expensive than free, is an 
opinion which is certainly gaining ground in the higher 
parts of Alabama, and is now professed openly by some 
northerners who have settled there. One of them said 
to me, “Half the population of the south is employed 
in seeing that the other half do their work, and they 
who do work, accomplish half what they might do un- 
der a better system.” ‘We can not,” said another, 


NEGRO SLAVE LABOR 47 


“raise capital enough for new cotton factories, because 
all our savings go to buy negroes, or, as has lately hap- 
pened, to feed them, when the crop is deficient.” A 
white bricklayer had lately gone from Tuscaloosa to 
serve an apprenticeship in his trade at Boston. He 
had been earning there 2%4 dollars a day, by laying 
3000 bricks daily. A southern planter, who had previ- 
ously been exceedingly boastful and proud of the 
strength of one of his negroes (who could, in fact, carry 
a much greater weight than this same white bricklayer) , 
was at first incredulous when he heard of this feat, for 
his pattern slave could not lay more than 1000 bricks a 
day. 

(h) Advertisement from the Winyaw Intelligencer (Georgetown, S.C.), 

Jan. 1, 1825. 

FIELD NEGROES TO HIRE. The subscriber will Hire, 
before the Market House, at auction, on Monday the 
third of January next, if fair, and if not, the first fair 
day after, between twenty and thirty Field Hands, with 
their families. 

Persons who hire will be required to give notes with 
approved personal security, and to furnish each negro 
with a suit of Summer and Winter Clothes, and each 
of the laboring Negroes with a pair of shoes. 

Dec. 18, 1824. IsAAC CARR. 


X. THE SLAVE TRADE 


1. THE SLAVE TRADE AS AN AGENCY FOR DISTRIB- 
UTING LABOR 


Bolingbroke, Henry. A Voyage to the Demerary (Philadelphia, 1813), 
84-86. 

The great use of selling a man by auction is this, 
that he is thereby beckoned immediately into the form 
of employment for which there is the greatest call. The 
carpenter, the blacksmith, outbid the planter, if their 
labour is most in demand. The planter outbids them, 
when agriculture is the thriving employment. Thus, 
without waiting for the lessons of observation, a man 
finds out at once the most productive form of industry; 
without paying for instruction, he is at once appren- 
ticed to the most expedient department of labour; and 
he is maintained from his very arrival without any of 
that preliminary expenditure for food or for utensils, 
which a free artisan would have to incur. He is, more- 
over, transferred instantaneously to the country, nay to 
the very parish, where there was most want of such 
a hand; if not by his first sale, by his second, he is sure 
to be shifted into the most expedient station which the 
region affords. The difficulty of conveying informa- 
tion to the unlettered, is the only real obstacle to the 
arrangement of these migrations on a principle of per- 
sonal consent. Voluntary colonists could be gotten by 
the myriad, did they but know the lot that awaits them. 

From the moment a negro is for the first time sold 
by auction, it is preposterous to call hima slave. He is 


50 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


become in the strict legal sense of the word a vassal. He 
is ascribed to the soil, and can invoke its nutritious aid, 
by law, during sickness, famine, or decrepitude. He 
has climbed a step in human society. His sale by auction 
has conferred not only that civil right which is repre- 
sented in England by a certificate of settlement; but 
also a right of property over those savings, which a 
wise employment of his leisure never fails to bestow. 
He can acquire a peculium, a distinct personal prop- 
erty, which may serve for the purchase of his freedom, 
or which, if he dies unenfranchised, will descend share 
and share alike to his children. The proprietor lodges, 
feeds, clothes, supplies the luxuries of rum and tobacco, 
and takes the produce of nine or ten hours of labour 
every day. The vassal disposes of nearly fifteen hours. 
What British laborer pays for his shelter, his food, his 
raiment, and his ale-house bill, with the sacrifice of a 
smaller proportion of his time? 

The laws of vassalage may in some rules require 
amendment and revision; but the system itself is a neces- 
sary step in human society, without which agriculture 
cannot overspread a new country. Vassalage is only a 
form of bartering labour directly for shelter and food, 
where there are not cottages to be hired, or shops at 
which to buy bread and meat. Unless the planter were 
to make, on a large scale, provision for the lodging, 
clothing, and feeding of as many peasants as he needs, 
not one of his labourers could subsist a week upon the 
estate. In Jamaica, they have to send over to North 
America for flour, to Nova Scotia for fish, and to Ire- 
land for beef, which is to give the negroes their Christ- 
mas dinner. We are better off on the continent, and 
shall shortly supply many of the wants of Jamaica; but 
where absolute necessaries must be brought from a vast 


THE SLAVE TRADE 51 


distance, some one powerful individual must undertake 
the contract for the common supply, and take care to 
proportion it to the mass of his people. No doubt the 
time will come, when our population is numerous, 
when, instead of hucksters, we shall have stationary 
shop-keepers; and when the peasantry will be able to 
subsist on wages issued weekly. Then labour hired 
for a short term will supersede labour hired for life; 
or, as the Europeans would say, free labour will super- 
sede vassalage. In the mean time, whatever accelerates 
the condensation of population, tends to bring on the 
European plan of payment; and whatever retards the 
increase of people, tends to defer the European plan 
of payment. ‘The abolition of the slave trade, by 
putting off the increase of colonists, will needlessly de- 
lay, by half a century, the emancipation of the negro 
vassalry; so thoughtless, so suicidal is the policy, which 
would interfere with the natural course of things. 
Some lascars have lately been brought to Trinidad, who 
are intended to be let as free labourers. It will soon 
be found that they must adopt an owner responsible for 
their maintenance, when disemployed, because they 
cannot raise the required pledge. It will next be found, 
that they must leave in pawn the mass of their wages, 
in order to secure the overseer, who delivers out pro- 
visions and clothes, for the repayment of his advances; 
and thus an agreement made after the European man- 
ner, will terminate in a practical vassalage. 


2. EAGERNESS OF THE DEMAND 
Extract from an open letter from a citizen to the editor of the South 
Carolina Gazette (Charleston), March 2-9, 1738. 
Negroes may be said to be the Bait proper for catch- 
ing a Carolina Planter, as certain as Beef to catch a 


52 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Shark. How many under the Notion of 18 Months 
credit, have been tempted to buy more Negroes than 
they could possibly expect to pay in 3 Years! This is 
so notorious that few Inhabitants, I believe, will doubt 
it. J have heard many declare their own folly in this 
Particular, with a Resolution never to do so again: 
yet so great is the Infatuation that the many Examples 
of their Neighbours’ Misfortunes and Danger by such 
Purchases do not hinder new Fools from bringing 
themselves to the same Difficulty. 


3. CARGOES FROM AFRICA 


(a) Advertisements and a news item from the Virginia Gazette 
(Williamsburg), 1736-1737, reprinted in the Virginia Historical 
Register, vol. v1, 21, 95, and 96. 


Virginia, August 9, 1736. ‘The ship Withers is just 
arrived from the coast of Africa, with nearly 300 choice 
slaves, which are to be put up to sale at York this day, 
and to continue there ’till Saturday next; and at West 
Point on Monday, the 16th instant, and there to con- 
tinue till they are sold. G. BRAXTON. 

April 22, 1837.. The ship Johnston of Liverpool, 
Capt. James Geldart, is lately arrived at York from 
Angola, with 490 choice young slaves. ‘The sale of 
them began on Tuesday the 12th Instant, and continues 
at York Town by Thomas Nelson. 

Williamsburg, July 22, 1737. We hear from Potow- 
nack, That a ship is lately arrived there, from London 
with convicts. . . Gaol distemper is said to have 
been on board. 

(b) Advertisement from the Charleston (S.C.) Evening Gazette, July 

II, 1785. 

Just arrived in the Danish ship Gen. Keith, Captain 
Kopperholt, and to be sold, on Friday, the 15th instant, 
on board the vessel at Prioleau’s wharf, a choice cargo 


THE SLAVE TRADE 53 


of windward and gold coast negroes, who have been 
accustomed to the planting of rice. The appearance 
of the negroes will sufficiently quiet a report which has 
been circulated of their being much infected with 
scurvy. 
The sale to continue from day to day until the whole 
is disposed of. 
The conditions will be moderate as possible, and will 
be known on the day of sale by applying on board to 
A. PLEYM. 


4. THE SMUGGLING SLAVE TRADE 


- (a) Official notice from the Louisiana Journal (St. Francisville), Aug. 
27, 1825. 


TO THE PUBLIC. Seventeen Negroes and one Mulatto, 
shipped at Havana as Slaves, in a vessel under the 
American flag, were secretly brought in the same vessel 
into the Mississippi on the 23d June last, and after- 
wards put on shore in the night between Fort St. Philip 
and the English Turn. On the 2d of July instant, 
three of those negroes were seized by the Inspector of 
the Revenue, on duty near that place, and secured to 
await the result of the prosecution now pending against 
the vessel. Several others of them, making in all half 
the number originally brought in, have since been de- 
tected in various places of concealment, and secured 
with the like object. 

The Negroes originally from Jamaica, were trans- 
ported thence to Havana (clandestinely it is believed) 
in September or October last. Those of them who have 
been taken up are generally intelligent and give a very 
clear account of their origin. Few persons, therefore, 
it is presumed, can be protected by the plea of ignor- 
ance in continuing to hold the others. But, lest any one 


54 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


should be seduced into illegal purchases, or otherwise 
inveigled into crime by the authorities of this outrage 
upon the laws, or by their agents, I think it my duty to 
publish this caution, to apprize them that whoever shall 
hold, sell, or otherwise dispose of any of those Negroes, 
or any other in like situation, as slaves, will be liable 
to a pecuniary penalty of from $1,000 to $10,000, and 
an imprisonment of from three to seven years.* 

I am bound to add that on the other hand, that the 
Government offers a bounty $50 for every such Negro, 
that shall be duly delivered to the Marshal, and a 
moiety of the above penalty to any person who will sue 
for and prosecute the same to effect. JOHN W. SMITH. 

Attorney of the United States, for the Eastern Dis- 
trict of Louisiana. New Orleans, July 21, 1825. 

(b) Atlanta (Ga.) Daily Intelligencer, March 9, 1859. News item 


reprinted from the Oxford (Miss.) Mercury of Feb. 26 and credited 
originally to The Vicksburg True Southerner. 


There are four native Africans in Marshall County, 
the Wanderer’s cargo, recently landed at Savannah and 
about which all the Abolitionist’s under the Sun are 
raising such horrible shrieks about. Three of them be- 
long to a planter living at Chulahoma, and the other to 
a planter near Holly Springs. They were bought in 
Georgia at an average of $500 apiece. Our common 
darkies treat them with sovereign contempt—walking 
around them with a decided aristocratic air. But the 
Africans are docile and very industrious and are repre- 
sented as being perfectly delighted with their new 
homes and improved conditions. The stories that they 
are brutes and savages is all stuff and nonsense. It was 
put in the papers by men who do not know what they 
are talking about. As to their corrupting our common 
negroes, we venture the assertion would come nearer 


1 6th. section, Act of Congress, April 2oth, 1818, concerning the Slave Trade. 


THE SLAVE TRADE | 55 


the truth if stated the other way. We understand that 
some of the same Wanderer slaves have reached an 
adjoining County where they are doing remarkably 
well. 

5. THE INTERSTATE SLAVE TRADE 


(a) Extract from an anonymous pamphlet, A Tour in Virginia (n.d.), 8. 
Observations circa 1808. 


The Carolina slave dealers get frequent supplies from 
this state, particularly from the eastern shore; and never 
were my feelings more outraged or my notions of the 
freedom and liberty of my country more hurt, than by 
a scene which presented itself near Ellicott’s—Two 
blanched and meagre looking wretches were lolling in 
their one-horse chair, protected from the excessive heat 
of the noon-day sun by a huge umbrella, and driving 
before them four beings of the African race, fastened 
to each other by iron chains fixed round the neck and 
arms, and attended by a black woman, a reliance on 
whose conjugal or sisterly affection, prevented the ap- 
plication of handcuffs or neck collars; the people on 
the road loaded the inhuman drivers with curses and 
execrations. 

(b) Advertisement by a professional buyer in the domestic slave trade 

from the Chestertown (MD.) Telegraph, Nov. 7, 1828. 

CASH FOR NEGROES. The Subscriber will give the 
highest price in Cash for Negroes of either sex deliv- 
ered at Georgetown X Roads. Any person writing to 
the subscriber will be attended to. JAMES SALISBURY. 

(c) Anonymous and undirected letter of a slave trader, Knoxville, 


Tenn., Jan. 24, 1795. MS. unsigned draft in the possession of the 
Wisconsin Historical Society, Draper Collection, DD, vol. ii, no. 53. 


Knoxville, January the 24th, 1795 

Sir, On the 29th December —TI arrive safe at this 
Store after a fatieguing joiney thro the wildeness. On 
my arrivall home I took the Earliest opportunity to 


56 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


prepare myself to Bring you the Negroes—according 
to promise, I shall, set out for them on wednesday next, 
and shall without faile be Prepared to have them at 
your Residence by the midle of the month of may, at 
all Events by the first of June—I shall Depend on you 
to take them. I intend to bring some others, with me 
for sale, if you can make any, Engagements for me, I 
shall ever be bound in acknoledgements, Govenor 
Blount is my friend and will aide me-I intend Carry- 
ing on the Business, Extensively. Your Pattronage in 
Kentuckey will be-—Gratefulley Solicited, as to the 
Peticulars of this Place—you se by the Inclosed Ga- 
zetts—I am your Excellencyes most obediant Servent— 


6. THE LOCAL SLAVE EXCHANGE 


(a) Extract from a letter of George Washington to Gen. Alex. Spots- 
wood; Philadelphia, Nov. 23, 1794, printed in the New York Public 
Library Bulletin (1898), 14, 15. 

This indicates conditions and considerations promoting the sale: of 
negroes by Virginia planters. 


[After discussing Spotswood’s projected sale of his 
lands in Virginia, to invest in Kentucky and Ohio prop- 
erty, Washington concludes: ] . 

With respect to the other species of property con- 
cerning which you ask my opinion, I shall frankly 
declare to you that I do not like even to think, much 
less talk, of it. However, as you have put the question, 
I shall in a few words give you my ideas of it. 

Were it not then that I am principled against selling 
negroes, as you would do cattle at a market, I would 
not in twelve months hence, be possessed of a single 
one as a slave. I shall be happily mistaken if they are 
not found to be a very troublesome species of property 
ere many years have passed over our heads (but this 
by the bye)—For this reason, and because there is but 


THE SLAVE TRADE 57 


little sale for what is raised in the Western country, it . 
remains for you to consider whether their value would 
not be more productive in lands, reserving enough for 
necessary purposes, than to carry many of them there. 

(b) Advertisement from the Charleston (S.C.) City Gazette, March 

Io, 1796. 

FIFTY PRIME NEGROES FOR SALE. To be Sold, on 
Tuesday the 15th March instant, by the Subscribers, 
before their office near the Exchange. 

About fifty prime orderly Negroes; consisting of 
Fellows, Wenches, Boys and Girls. This gang taken 
together, is perhaps as prime, complete and valuable 
for the number as were ever offered for sale; they are 
generally country born, young & able very likely; two 
of them capable of acting as drivers, and one of them 
a good jobbing carpenter. The wenches are young 
and improving; the boys, girls and children are re- 
markably smart, active and sensible: several of the 
wenches are fitted either for the house or plantation 
work; the boys and girls for trades or waiting servants. 
The age, descriptions and qualifications of these ne- 
groes, may be seen at the office of the Subscribers, and of 
Brian Cape and Son, or of Treasdale or Kiddell, mer- 
chants, in Queen-street, who can give directions to 
those who desire it where the negroes may be seen. 

These negroes are sold free from all incumbrances, 
with warranted titles, and are sold on account of their 
present Owner’s declining the Planting Business, and 
not for any other reason; they are not Negroes selected 
out of a larger gang for the purpose of a sale, but are 
prime, their present Owner, with great trouble and 
expence, selected them out of many for several years 
past. They were purchased for stock and breeding 
Negroes, and to any Planter who particularly wanted 


58 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


them for that purpose, they are a very choice and desir- 
able gang. Any Person desirous of purchasing the 
whole gang by private contract, may apply to Brian 
Cape and Son; the Terms if sold together will be made 
convenient to the Purchasers, and the Conditions of 
public sale (if not contracted for in the mean time, of 
which due notice will be given) will be very easy and 
accommodating, and which will be declared on the 
Day of Sale. CoLcock & PATERSON. 
March 3. 


(c) Advertisement from the Charleston (S.C.) City Gazette, Feb. 
21, 1825. 


VALUABLE NEGROES FOR SALE 

A Wench, complete cook, washer and ironer, and her 
4 Children—a Boy 12, another 9, a Girl 5, that sews; 
and a Girl about 4 years old. 

Another Family—a Wench, complete washer and 
ironer, and her Daughter, 14 years old, accustomed to 
the house. 

A Wench, a house servant, and two male Children; 
one three years old, and the other 4 months. 

A complete Seamstress and House Servant, with her 
male Child 7 years old. 

Three Young Wenches, 18, 19, 21, all accustomed to 
house work. 

A Mulatto Girl, about 17, a complete Seamstress and | 
Waiting Maid, with her Grandmother. 

Two Men, one a complete Coachman, and the other | 
a Waiter. Apply at this Office, or at No. 19 Hasell-— 
street. Feb 19. 


THE SLAVE TRADE 59 


7. THE JOURNEY OF A SLAVE COFFLE FROM MARY- 
LAND TO SOUTH CAROLINA 


Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Charles Ball, a Black Man, 
third edition (Pittsburg, 1854), 30-85, and assim, relating Ball’s 
experiences about 1805. 


My new master, whose name I did not hear, took me 
that same day across the Patuxent, where I joined fifty- 
one other slaves, whom he had bought in Maryland. 
Thirty two of these were men and nineteen were women. 
The women were merely tied together with a rope, 
about the size of a bed cord, which was tied like a halter 
round the neck of each; but the men, of whom I was 
the stoutest and strongest, were very differently ca- 
parisoned. A strong iron collar was closely fitted by 
means of a padlock round each of our necks. A chain 
of iron about a hundred feet in length was passed 
through the hasp of each padlock, except at the two 
ends, where the hasps of the padlocks passed through a 
link of the chain. In addition to this, we were hand- 
cuffed in pairs, with iron staples and bolts, with a short 
chain about a foot long uniting the handcuffs and their 
wearers in pairs. In this manner, we were chained al- 
ternately by the right and left hand. 

We were soon on the south side of the river, and 
taking up our line of march, we travelled about five 
miles that evening, and stopped for the night at one of 
those miserable public houses, so frequent in the lower 
parts of Maryland and Virginia, called ‘‘ordinaries.” 

Our master ordered a pot of mush to be made for our 
supper; after despatching which, we all lay down on 
the naked floor to sleep in our handcuffs and chains. 
The women, my fellow slaves, lay on one side of the 
room, and the men who were chained with me, occu- 
pied the other. Day at length came, and with the dawn, 
we resumed our journey towards the Potomac. 


60 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Before night we crossed the Potomac, at Hoe’s Ferry, 
and bade farewell to Maryland. At night we stopped 
at the house of a poor gentleman, at least he appeared 
to wish my master to consider him a gentleman; and 
he had no difficulty in establishing his claim to poverty. 
He lived at the side of the road, in a framed house, that 
had never been plastered within, the weather-boards 
being the only wall. He had about fifty acres of land 
enclosed by a fence, the remains of a farm which had 
once covered two or three hundred acres; but the cedar 
bushes had encroached upon all sides, until the cultiva- 
tion had been confined to its present limits. The land 
was the very picture of sterility, and there was neither 
barn nor stable on the place. The owner was ragged 
and his wife and children were in a similar plight. It 
was with difficulty that we obtained a bushel of corn 
which our master ordered us to parch at a fire made in 
the yard, and to eat for our supper. Even this misera- 
ble family possessed two slaves, half-starved, half-naked 
wretches, whose appearance bespoke them familiar with 
hunger, and victims of the lash; but there was one pang 
which they had not known; they had not been chained 
and driven from their parents or children into hopeless 
exile. 

We left this place early in the morning, and directed 
our course toward the southwest; our master riding 
beside us, and hastening our march, sometimes by words 
of encouragement, and sometimes by threats of pun- 
ishment. The women took their place in the rear of 
our line. We halted about nine o’clock for breakfast, 
and received as much corn bread as we could eat, to- 
gether with a plate of boiled herring, and about three 
pounds of pork amongst us. Before we left this place, I 
was removed from near the middle of the chain, and 


THE SLAVE TRADE 61 


placed at the front end of it; so that I now became the 
leader of the file, and held this post of honor until our 
irons were taken from us, near the town of Columbia, in 
South Carolina. We continued our route, this day, 
along the high road between the Potomac and Rappa- 
hannock; and I several times saw each of those rivers 
before night. Our master gave us no dinner today, but 
we halted a short time before sun-down, and got as 
much corn mush and sour milk as we could eat, for sup- 
per. It was now the beginning of the month of May, 
and the weather, in the fine climate of Virginia, was 
very mild and pleasant; so that our master was not 
obliged to provide us with fire at night. 

In Virginia, it appeared to me that the slaves were 
more rigorously treated than they were in my native 
place. It is easy to tell a man of color who is poorly 
fed, from one who is well supplied with food, by his 
personal appearance. A half starved negro is a miser- 
able looking creature. His skin becomes dry, and ap- 
pears to be sprinkled over with whitish husks, or scales; 
the glossiness of his face vanishes; his hair loses its 
color, and when stricken with a rod, the dust flies from 
it. These signs of bad treatment I perceived to be very 
common in Virginia; many young girls who would 
have been beautiful, if they had been allowed enough 
to eat, had lost all their prettiness through starvation; 
their fine glossy hair had become of a reddish color, 
and stood out round their heads, like long brown wool. 

Our master at first expressed a determination to pass 
through the city of Richmond; but for some reason 
which he did not make known to us, he changed his 
mind, and drove us up the country, crossing the Mate- 
pony, North Anna and South Anna rivers. For sev- 
eral days we traversed a region, which had been de- 


62 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


serted by the occupants—being no longer worth culture— 
and immense thickets of young red cedars now occu- 
pied the fields, in digging of which, thousands of 
wretched slaves, had worn out their lives in the service 
of merciless masters. 

In some places these cedar thickets, as they are called, 
continued for three or four miles together, without a 
house to enliven the scene, and with scarcely an orig- 
inal forest tree, to give variety to the landscape. 

The ground over which we had travelled since we 
crossed the Potomac, had generally been a strong red- 
dish clay, with an admixture of sand, and was of the 
same quality with the soil of the counties of Chester, 
Montgomery and Bucks, in Pennsylvania. It had orig- 
inally been highly fertile and productive, and had it 
been properly treated, would doubtlessly have con- 
tinued to yield abundant and prolific crops; but the 
gentlemen who became the early proprietors of this fine 
region, supplied themselves with slaves from Africa, 
cleared large plantations of many thousands of acres— 
cultivated tobacco—and became suddenly wealthy; 
built spacious houses and numerous churches, such as 
this; but regardless of their true interest, they valued 
their lands less than their slaves; exhausted the kindly 
soil, by unremitting crops of tobacco, declined in their 
circumstances, and finally grew poor, upon the very 
fields, that had formerly made their possessors rich; 
abandoned one portion after another, as not worth 
planting any longer; and, pinched by necessity, at last 
sold their slaves to Georgian planters, to procure a sub- 
sistence; and when all was gone, took refuge in the 
wilds of Kentucky; again to act the same melancholy 
drama; leaving their native land to desolation and pov- 
erty. The churches then followed the fate of their 


THE SLAVE TRADE 63 


builders. The revolutionary war deprived the parsons 
of their legal support; and they fled from the alter 
which no longer maintained them. Virginia has be- 
come poor by the folly and wickedness of slavery, and 
dearly has she paid for the anguish and sufferings she 
has inflicted upon our injured, degraded and fallen 
race. 

We continued our course up the country westward, 
for two or three days, moving at a slow pace, and at 
length turning south, crossed the James river, at a place 
about thirty miles above Richmond, as I understood at 
the time. We continued our journey from day to day, 
in a course, and by roads, which appeared to me to bear 
generally about South-west, for more than four weeks, 
in which time we entered South Carolina, and in 
this state, near Camden, I first saw a field of cotton in 
bloom. : 

If the proprietors of the soil, in Maryland and Vir- 
ginia, were skilful cultivators, had their lands in good 
condition, and kept no more slaves on each estate, than 
would be sufficient to work the soil in a proper manner, 
and keep up the place, the condition of the colored 
people would not be, by any means, a comparatively 
unhappy one. I am convinced that in nine cases in 
ten, the hardships and sufferings of the colored popu- 
lation of lower Virginia is attributable to the poverty 
and distress of its owners. In many instances, an estate 
scarcely yields enough to feed and clothe the slaves in 
a comfortable manner, without allowing anything for 
the support of the master and family; but it is obvious 
that the family must first be supported, and the slaves 
must be content with the surplus; and this, on a poor, 
old, worn out tobacco plantation, is often very small, 
and wholly inadequate to the comfortable sustenance of 


64 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


the hands, as they are called. There, in many places, 
nothing is allowed to the poor negro but his peck of 
corn per week, without the sauce of a salt herring, or 
even a little salt itself. 

Early in the morning, our master called us up, and 
distributed to each of the party, a cake made of corn 
meal, and a small piece of bacon. On our journey, we 
had only eaten twice a day, and had not received break- 
fast until about nine o’clock; but he said this morning 
meal was given to welcome us to South Carolina. He 
then addressed us all, and told us we might now give up 
all hope of ever returning to the place of our nativity; 
as it would be impossible for us to pass through the 
States of North Carolina and Virginia, without being 
taken up and sent back. He further advised us to make 
ourselves contented; as he would take us to Georgia, a 
far better country than any we had seen; and where we 
would be able to live in the greatest abundance. About 
sunrise we took up our march on the road to Columbia, 
as we were told. Hitherto our master had not offered 
to sell any of us, and had even refused to stop to talk 
to any one on the subject of our sale, although he had 
several times been addressed on this point before we 
reached Lancaster; but soon after we departed from 
this village, we were overtaken on the road by a man 
on horseback, who accosted our driver, by asking him 
if his niggers were for sale. The latter replied that 
he believed he would not sell any yet, as he was on his 
way to Georgia, and cotton being now much in demand, 
he expected to obtain high prices for us, from persons 
who were going to settle in the new purchase. He, 
however, contrary to his custom, ordered us to stop, and 
told the stranger he might look at us, and that he would 
find us a fine lot of hands as were ever imported into the 


THE SLAVE TRADE 65 


country—that we were all prime property, and he had no 
doubt, would command his own prices in Georgia. 

The landlord assured my master that at this time 
slaves were much in demand, both in Columbia and 
Augusta; that purchasers were numerous and prices 
good; and that the best plan of effecting good sales 
would be, to put up each nigger separately, at auction, 
after giving a few days’ notice, by an advertisement in 
the neighboring country. Cotton, he said, had not been 
higher for many years, and as a great many persons es- 
pecially young men, were moving off to the new pur- 
chase in Georgia, prime hands were in high demand, 
for the purpose of clearing the land in the new country; 
that the boys and girls, under twenty, would bring al- 
most any price, at present, in Columbia, for the purpose 
of picking the growing crop of cotton, which promised 
to be very heavy; and as most persons had planted more 
than their hands would be able to pick, young niggers, 
who would soon learn to pick cotton, were prime ar- 
ticles in the market. . . My master said he would 
follow his advise, at least so far as to sell a portion of us 
in Carolina, but seemed to be of the opinion that his 
prime hands would bring him more money in Georgia, 
and named me in particular, as one who would be worth 
at least a thousand dollars to a man who was about mak- 
ing a settlement, and clearing a plantation in the new 
purchase. 

At supper this night we had corn mush, in large 
wooden trays, with melted lard to dip the mush in be- 
fore eating it. We might have reached Columbia this 
day if we had continued our march, but we stopped at 
least an hour before sunset, about three miles from 
town at the house of a man who supported the double 
character of planter and keeper of a house of entertain- 


66 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


ment; for I learned from his slaves that their master 
considered it disreputable to be called a tavern-keeper, 
and would not put up a sign, although he received pay 
of such persons as lodged with him. It is the cus- 
tom throughout all the slave-holding states, amongst 
people of fashion, never to speak of negroes as slaves, 
but always as servants; but I had never before met with 
the keeper of a public house, in the country, who had 
arrived at this degree of refinement. I had been ac- 
customed to hear this order of men, and indeed the 
greater number of white people, speak of the people of 
color as niggers. We remained at this place more than 
two weeks; I presume because my master found it 
cheaper to keep us here than in town, or perhaps be- 
cause he supposed we might recover from the hardships 
of our journey more speedily in the country. . . 

We remained in this place nearly two weeks, during 
which time our allowance of food was not varied, and 
was regularly given to us. We were not required to do 
any work; and I had liberty and leisure to walk about 
the plantation, and make such observations as I could 
upon the new state of things around me. Gentlemen and 
ladies came every day to look at us, with a view of be- 
coming our purchasers; and we were examined with 
minute care as to our ages, former occupations, and 
capacity of performing labor. Our persons were in- 
spected, and more especially the hands were scrutinized, 
to see if all the fingers were perfect, and capable of the 
quick motions necessary in picking cotton. Our master 
only visited us once a day, and sometimes he remained 
absent two days; so that he seldom met any of those 
who came to see us; but, whenever it so happened that 
he did meet them, he laid aside his silence and became 
very talkative, and even animated in his conversation, 


THE SLAVE TRADE 67 


extolling our good qualities, and avering that he had 
purchased some of us of one colonel, and others of 
another general in Virginia; that he could by no means 
have procured us, had it not been that, in some instances, 
our masters had ruined themselves, and were obliged to 
sell us to save their families from ruin;\and in others, 
that their owners were dead, their estates deeply in 
debt, and we had been sold at public sale; by which 
means he had become possessed of us. He said our 
habits were unexceptionable, our characters good, and 
that there was not one amongst us all who had ever been 
known to run away or steal anything from our former 
masters. 1 observed that running away and stealing 
from his master, were regarded as the highest crimes of 
which a slave could be guilty; but I heard no questions 
asked concerning our propensity to steal from other peo- 
ple besides our masters, and I afterwards learned that 
this was not always regarded as a very high crime by 
the owner of a slave, provided he would perpetrate the 
theft so adroitly as not to be detected in it. 

We were severally asked by our visitors if we would 
be willing to live with them, if they would purchase 
us, to which we generally replied in the affirmative; but 
our owner declined all offers that were made for us, 
upon the ground that we were too poor—looked too bad 
to be sold at present—and that in our condition he could 
not expect to get a fair value for us. 


8. MOTIVES FOR CHECKING THE INTERSTATE 
SLAVE TRADE 


Letter from a citizen to the editors of the Georgia Journal (Milledge- 
ville), Dec. 4, 1821. 
DOMESTIC SLAVE TRADE. . . The policy of prohibit- 
ing the further introduction of slaves for the purpose of 
speculation is so obvious, that it seems almost preposter- 


68 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


ous to attempt its proof. The arguments in its support 
are so numerous and so strong as almost to overwhelm 
us. We scarcely know where to begin or where to end 
them. It is difficult to imagine that clearer proof than 
that it is inexpedient to increase an acknowledged evil. 
The following are some of the considerations which for- 
bid the introduction of slaves, for the purpose of specu- 
lation. Every man knows that speculators would con- 
stantly introduce into the state the dregs of the colored 
population of the states north of us; that the jails of 
North and South Carolina, Maryland and Virginia, 
would be disgorged upon this deluded state. Negro 
speculators, many of whom would come from other 
states, and would fear none of the calamities they might 
bring on us, would naturally introduce among us 
negroes of the worst character, because, in many in- 
stances, they would purchase them for half price; and 
the villain who might attempt the assassination of his 
master, the rape of his mistress, or the conflagation of a 
city, might, in a few days, be transported to Georgia, 
and sold to an unsuspecting citizen, for the hard earn- 
ings of his honest labor. To the dealer in human flesh, 
it will be a matter of little consequence, if the next day 
he perpetrated any or all those crimes. 

But not only would speculators constantly introduce 
firebrands among our colored people; but they would, 
in very many instances, inveigle and run off slaves of 
our fellow citizens north of us; they would by fraud and 
violence, tear from the dearest associations and sell 
among us persons as much entitled to personal liberty 
by the laws of the land as the reader who kindly gives 
me his attention, while I endeavor to show him the 
magnitude of one of the greatest calamities which 
would afflict this state; I mean, an unrestricted domes- 


THE SLAVE TRADE 69 


tic slave trade! It is perhaps needless to detail in- 
stances of the stealing of negroes, bond and free which 
might easily be cited: The reader’s memory will easily 
supply them; as well as some notable instances in which 
men from the South have expiated these offenses by the 
most ignominous punishments in the North; thus cast- 
ing the blackness of their character on the section of the 
country to which they belong. 

Who sees not the progress of society? Who sees not 
the spirit of the age? Can any one be insensible of the 
increasing disposition of Virginia, Maryland, and some 
other states, to throw off their colored population? 
When they have made any considerable advance to- 
wards this object, would they not assume the tone of the 
northern states? Will they not join in the imposition 
of “restrictions” upon the slaveholding states? May 
they not promote abolition in the South? Insensible as 
they may become in process of time, to the difficulties 
and dangers of the south, May they not pursue the 
course of conduct tending to produce a state of things 
too horrible to contemplate? It is clearly incumbent 
on Georgia to persevere in her countervailing policy— 
it is clearly incumbent on her to refuse to receive in her 
bosom the colored population of states, who, after re- 
lieving themselves of the greatest weight oppressing 
them, may, at some remote period, join in a general 
crusade against the South. We should forbear to in- 
crease the aggregate amount of investment in property, 
which, by the process of society, by the operations of 
the spirit which has evidently gone abroad in Christen- 
dom, may become not only worthless, but dangerous. 
Nor ought it to destroy the force of this reasoning, that 
these consequences may remote: He who confines his 
views to the present moment—he who endeavors not to 


70 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


avert from future generations the calamities which 
threaten them, is alike unworthy of the name of a 
parent, and of a politician. . 

Late discussions on the subject of slavery with refer- 
ence to Missouri shook our political fabric to its foun- 
dations. Will the citizens of Georgia consent to increase 
an evil which so lately threatened a dissolution of the 
Union, and the annihilation of the best hopes of man? 

We know the vast excess of colored people in the 
West Indies. Within a few years, we have seen a gov- 
ernment established in one of the largest of them, which 
is constantly increasing in numbers and intelligence in 
physical and moral and political importance and which 
portends the most terrible convulsions in the West In- 
dies. Constituted and situated as the Southern states are, 
can they hope to remain entirely undisturbed by those 
convulsions?, and is it not one of the plainest dictates of 
policy, nay, of common sense not to increase the num- 
bers of an enemy already too numerous! I say, enemy; 
for such, in the nature of men, they necessarily are; and 
let it be remembered, too, that they overspread our en- 
tire country, and occupy the most commanding posi- 
tions. 

9. SLAVE-BUYING VICISSITUDES 
Extract from a news letter from Georgia, dated Dec. 7, printed in 
the Charleston (S.C.) City Gazette, Dec. 21, 1799. 

The Georgia Legislature, upon counting over the 
Yazoo money in the treasury, found that 9 or 10,000 
dollars were missing; the greater part of which, it is 
said, Mr. James Simms, of the house of representatives, 
borrowed from Major Berrien, the treasurer. The 
money which Mr. Simms loaned [borrowed], he en- 
trusted to a person of the name of Speers, to purchase 
negroes in Virginia. Speers accordingly went, and 


THE SLAVE TRADE 71 


purchased a considerable number of negroes; and on 
his way, returning to this state, the negroes rose, and cut 
the throats of Speers and of another man who accom- 
panied him: The slaves fled, and about ten of them, I 
think, were killed. In consequence of this misfortune, 
Mr. Simms was rendered unable to raise the money at 
the time the legislature met. Major Berrien is removed 
from the office of treasurer, and is politically dead. 


10. SLAVE PRICES AT THE END OF THE REGIME 


(a) Chambers, William. Things as they are in America, second edi- 
tion (London, 1857), 277- 
Table of slave prices current in Richmond, Va., Dec., 1853. 


Best Men, 18 to 25 years old . . 1200 to 1300 dollars 
Fair do. do. do. - . 950 to 1050 “ 
Boys, 5 feet . ‘ a : =| Se! ta: Gg 
Do., 4 feet 8 inches ‘ : =. AO. tar’ See tT 
Do., 4 feet 5 inches é 4 = S60) te” Goose 
Do., 4 feet . ~ - : Seats ta» <4 ks 
Young Women. : : - 800 to 1000 «| (“ 
Girls, 5 feet : : . aL esO to G50) (> 
Do., 4 feet 9 inches ? ; bi Sin. ta: e5ae 
Do, 4 feet . Bye tat aye 


PULLIAM and Davis, Richmond, Virginia. 
(b) Editorial from the Athens (Ga.) Southern Banner, Jan. 21, 1858. 


PRICE OF NEGROES. Notwithstanding the “hue and 
cry” about hard times, pressure, monetary crisis, and all 
that, the price of negro property has been but slightly 
affected. We have observed lately in our exchanges, 
reports of sales in all quarters of the slave states. In 
some sections it is true there has been a slight falling off 
in prices but throughout the cotton growing region they 
hold up astonishingly. This argues a confidence on the 
part of the planters that there is a “good time a-com- 
ing.” Well, we trust they may not be deceived in their 
calculations. 


72 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


(c) Atlanta (Ga.) Daily Intelligencer, Jan. 7, 1860, quoting the 
Lynchburg (Va.) Republican and the Petersburg (Va.) Democrat. 


HIGH PrRicEs: Negroes of all ages and sexes are hir- 
ing very high in this city. Ordinary factory hands, 
boys and men, command from $110 to $165, railroad 
hands, $140, women for cooks and house-servants from 
$60 to $80; girls from $30 to $40. These prices are con- 
siderably higher than were ever paid before, in Lynch- 
burg. 

The above is from the Republican of Saturday. No. 
1 factory hands, we hear, have been hired in Peters- 
burg during the past week at $223,00— and in one in- 
stance we learn four men hired for $1000. (Petersburg 
Democrat.) 

While in Montgomery on Monday we saw negroes 
sold and hired at tremendous high rates. Judging from 
all the above the “irrepressible conflict” of Mr. 
Seward, has not as yet, arrived, or made such serious 
headway as to lessen the value of the “peculiar institu- 
tion.” And what is more, it never will, for the South, 
if the issue be forced upon, will protect it, by forming 
a Southern Confederacy; and will disrupt any union 
when she has to act the part of a menial and is denied 
equality. If “trifling politicians” think she loves the 
Union more than her own Institutions and will sacri- 
fice the latter to preserve the former, why they are mis- 
taken-that’s all 

(d) Atlanta (Ga.) Daily Intelligencer, Jan. 13, 1860, quoting from 

the Macon (Ga.) Telegraph. 

We learn that the average price of negroes in Craw- 
ford [County] at the sales last Tuesday, was $1,113 ; and 
there was an undue proportion of old negroes and chil- 
dren. The best field hand, a boy 21-years old. sold for 
$1900.00. One woman seventeen years old and a baby 


THE SLAVE TRADE 73 


nine months old, brought $2,150. None of the above 
were purchased by heirs. Among those that were so 
purchased, a woman (18) and a child (3) brought up- 
wards of $2,500. - One woman (30) and 3 children, the 
oldest 6-yrs, sold at $4,525. A child eleven years old, 
sold for $1,525. 

Lands sold for about $18 an acre; a little above for 
Oak and Hicory lying on Echeeconee and fifteen dol- 
lars and a fraction for pine land. None of the lands 
were purchased by heirs. 

(e) Editorial expressing apprehension of disaster as a consequence of 


the inflation, from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), Jan. 17, 
1860. 


THE NEGRO FEveR. There is a perfect fever rag- 
ing in Georgia now on the subject of buying negroes. 
Several sales which have come under our eye within a 
month past, afford an unmistakable sympton of the pre- 
valence of a disease in the public mind on this subject. 
In view of the fabulous prices offered for the species of 
property, reflecting men are led to the inquiry what is 
to be done to supply the deficiency for negroes in the 
South-west? We are unable to give any satisfactory 
answer. But, so far as the effect which these high 
prices is to have in our own State, is concerned, we think 
that we can truthfully say, the fever will soon abate in a 
very natural way. Men are borrowing money at exor- 
bitant rates of interest to buy negroes at exorbitant 
prices. The speculation will not sustain the speculators, 
and in a short time we shall see many negroes and much 
land offered under the sheriffs hammer, with few buy- 
ers for cash, and then this kind of property will descend 
to its real value. The old rule of pricing a negro by the 
price of cotton by the pound-—that is to say, if cotton is 
worth twelve cents, a negro man is worth $1200.00 if at 


74 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


fifteen cents, then $1500.00—does not seem to be re- 
garded. Negroes are 25% higher now with cotton at 
ten and one-half cents than they were two or three 
years ago, when it was worth fifteen and sixteen cents. 
Men are demented upon the subject. A reverse will 
surely come. 


XI. FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES 


1. THE CHASE AND CAPTURE OF A SLAVE STEALER 


News item in the Atlanta (Ga.) Daily Intelligencer, Jan. 22, 1851, and 
reprinted from the Newman (Ga.) Banner. 


OVERHAULED: Those Absconding negroes, accom- 
panied by a white man (referred to in this paper of the 
2nd inst) were overhauled by their owners, Messrs. 
Calhoun and Story, after a hot and spirited chase 
through Alabama, Tenn., & Ky. The white fellow 
proved to be a young man by the name of Howard from 
N. Carolina, who had been working in our town during 
some portion of the past year at the carpenter’s trade. 
At Decatur, Ala. he sold one of the boys, pocketed the 
money and provided himself with a pass to join him 
and the other boy at Tuscumbia. Learning however, in 
the meantime, that he was being hotly pursued, Howard 
abandoned the boy and made tracks for his own safety 
in the direction of Illinois, through Tenn. &. Ky. By the 
aid of the Telegraph the Progress of the villain was cut 
short off at Smithland,Ky., near the mouth of the Cum- 
berland, within a few hundred yds. of the State of IIL. 
He is now in jail, subject to the requisition of the Exe- 
cutive of this State—all done too, without the owners 
of the negroes ever seeing the scoundrel, or being with- 
in hundreds of miles of him. We wish the young man a 
speedy retreat within our penitentiary, and plenty of 
good hard work, and hard usage for his pains of endeav- 
oring to defraud honest men out of their property. 
The owners returned to this place, with their negroes 
on Tuesday last. 


76 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


2. THE OPERATIONS OF A PROFESSIONAL 


Howard, H. R., compiler. The History of Virgil A. Stewart, and his 
adventure in capturing and exposing the great “western land 
pirate’ and his gang (New York, 1836), 63-68 and 104. Incidents 
in the career of the desperado John A. Murrell, narrated by him 
to Stewart. 


I was born in middle Tennessee. My parents had 
not much property, but they were intelligent people; 
and my father was an honest man I expect, and tried to 
raise me honest, but I think none the better of him for 
that. My mother was of the pure grit; she learned me 
and all her children to steal as soon as we could walk, 
and would hide for us whenever she could. 

At the age of sixteen I played a trick on a merchant in 
that country. I walked into his store one day, and he 
spoke to me very politely, calling me by the name of a 
young man who had a rich father, and invited me to 
trade with him. I thanked him, and requested him to 
put down a piece of superfine cloth; I took a suit, and 
had it charged to the rich man’s son. 

I began to look after larger spoils, and ran several 
fine horses. By the time I was twenty I began to ac- 
quire considerable character, and concluded to go off 
and do my speculation where I was not known, and go 
on a larger scale; so I began to see the value of having 
friends in this business. I made several associates; I 
had been acquainted with some old hands for a long 
time, who had given me the name of some royal fellows 
between Nashville and Savannah, in the State of 
Georgia, and many other places. Myself and a fellow 
by the name of Crenshaw gathered four good horses, 
and started for Georgia. 

We stole a negro man, and pushed for Mississippi. 
We had promised him that we would conduct him to a 


FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES Aa 


free state if he would let us sell him once as we went on 
the way; we also agreed to give him part of the money. 
We sold him for six hundred dollars; but, when we 
went to start, the negro seemed to be very uneasy, and 
appeared to doubt our coming back for him as we had 
promised. We lay in a creek bottom, not far from the 
place where we had sold the negro, all the next day, and 
after dark we went to the china-tree in the lane where 
we were to meet Tom; he had been waiting for some 
time. He mounted his horse, and we pushed him a sec- 
ond time. We rode twenty miles that night to the 
house of a friendly speculator. I had seen him in 
Tennessee, and had given him several lifts. He gave 
me his place of residence, that I might find him when 
passing. He is quite rich, and one of the best kind of 
fellows. Our horses were fed as much as they would 
eat, and two of them were foundered the next morning. 
We were detained a few days and during that time our 
friend went to a little village in the neighborhood, and 
saw the negro advertised, with a description of the two 
men of whom he had been purchased, and with mention 
of them as suspicious personages. It was rather squally 
times, but any portin astorm; We took the negro that 
night on the bank of a creek which runs by the farm of 
our friend, and Crenshaw shot him through the head. 
We took out his entrails, and sunk him in the creek; our 
friend furnished us with one fine horse, and we left him 
our foundered horses. We made our way through the 
Choctaw and Chickasaw nations, and then to William- 
son county, in this state. We should have made a fine 
trip if we had taken care of all we got. 

My next speculation was in the Choctaw nation. 
Myself and brother stole two fine horses, and made our 
way into the Choctaw nation. We got in with an old 


78 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


negro man, and his wife, and three sons, to go off with 
us to Texas, and promised them that, if they would 
work for us one year after we got there, we would let 
them go free, and told them many fine stories. We got 
into the Mississippi swamp, and were badly bothered to 
reach the bank of the river. We had turned our horses 
loose at the edge of the swamp, and let them go. After 
we reached the bank of the river we were in a bad con- 
dition, and we had no craft to convey us down the river, 
and our provisions gave out, and our only means for 
support were killing game and eating it. Eventually 
we found an Indian trail through the bottom, and we 
followed it to a bayou that made into the river, where 
we had the pleasure of finding a large canoe locked to 
the bank; we broke it loose and rowed into the main 
river, and were soon descending for New Orleans. 

We landed fifty miles above New Orleans and went 
into the country and sold our negroes to a Frenchman 
for nineteen hundred dollars. 

I decoyed a negro man from his master in Middle 
Tennessee and sent him to Mills Point by a young man, 
and I waited to see the movements of the owner. 

He thought his negro had run off. So I started to 
take possession of my prize. I got another friend at 
Mills Point to take my negro in a skiff and convey him 
to the mouth of Red River, and I took a passage on a 
steam boat. I then went through the country by land, 
and sold my negro for nine hundred dollars, and the sec- 
ond night after I sold him I stole him again, and my 
friend ran him to the Irish bayou in Texas; I followed 
on after him, and I sold my negro in Texas for five 
hundred dollars. 


FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES ee 


3. A CHILD KIDNAPPED 
Advertisement from the Town Gazette & Farmers’ Register (Clarks- 
ville, Tenn.), Aug. 9, 1819. 

ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. Was stolen from 
the subscriber, living at the mouth of the Saline, twelve 
miles below Dover, on Wednesday last, the 28th ultimo, 
a Negro Boy named Jordan. He is about five years old, 
and tolerably well grown for that age; has a stoppage 
in his speech. He was stolen from the bed between his 
father and mother. One hundred Dollars will be given 
for the boy and thief, or Fifty Dollars for the boy alone. 

IsAAC BRUNSON. 


4. THE RIVER HIGHWAY 


(a) Advertisement from the Baton Rouge (La.) Gazette, April 8, 1826. 

TEN DOLLARS REWARD. Runaway from the sub- 
scriber living on the Dutch Highlands, on the night of 
the 3d inst. a Quarteroon named Charles, about 20 years 
of age, about 5 feet 9 inches in height, speaks French 
and English fluently — when spoken to, has a down look 
and speaks very fast, light blue eyes, sandy coloured 
hair, very slovenly in his dress. The above quarteroon 
is well known in New Orleans, to which place, it is sup- 
posed he has gone; and I have strong reasons to believe 
he has been enticed away by a person lately from Indi- 
ana, who was at this place with a flat boat; had on when 
he went away, a yellow jane coat much worn, a pair of 
homespun pantaloons, a cotton cambrick shirt, the 
breast of which well plaited, a white hat half worn 
with a small hole on the rim cut with a knife. 

The above reward will be given to any person who 
will put him in any jail in this state, so that I may re- 
cover him. ISHAM P. Fox. 


80 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


(b) News item from the Memphis Enguirer and reprinted in the 
New Orleans Bee, June 16, 1825. 


SOMETHING NEW IN THIEVING. Under this head, 
the Memphis Enquirer narrates a singular incident— 
On Sunday morning the 8th. inst., a box marked “John 
Bennett, Louisville, Ky.,” was deposited on the wharf- 
boat of Messrs. A. B. Shaw & Co., to be shipped by the 
first boat. It was left by a free black who was very 
particular in directing it to be handled with care. An 
hour or two after, a gentleman happened to approach 
when a voice from the interior was heard to call out 
“open the door.” Much consternation followed, and 
the spectators thought his Satanic Majesty had taken 
temporary lodgings in the inside of the box. After due 
deliberation, Mr. Shaw the owner of the boat, ripped 
off the top with a butcher’s cleaver, when out jumped 
a strapping negro fellow nearly dead with suffocation 
and steaming like the escape pipe of a steamboat. He 
was greatly exhausted, but was revived by the fresh air 
and the application of stimulants, when he gave the fol- 
lowing account of his singular incarceration: 

It appears that he belongs to Mr. John Lewis of 
Germantown, and has been hired here in town. He 
states that the scheme which had well nigh cost him his 
life, was concocted some months ago by John Bennett, 
a free black rascal, well known to many of our citizens. 
The intention was to ship him, in the manner attempted, 
to Cincinnati, from whence he was to be conveyed by 
the Abolitionists to Canada. In the box was a quantity 
of moss, a number of plates, and a few dozen water 
crackers. Air holes were bored in the ends of the box. 
They forgot, however, to put in a supply of water. He 
states that he would inevitably have died in a very short 


FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES 81 


while, if he had not been extricated, and his condition 
when taken out of the box confirms the opinion. 
Bennett has since been arrested. 


(c) News item from the New Orleans (La.) Picayune, Aug. 30, 1845. 

Two negroes were found secreted on board of the 
steamboat Paul Jones, when near Lafayette, on her last 
trip down. It is supposed that they got on board at 
Vicksburg, and that they had been stewards of some 
steamboat. They are of light color, and say they are 
free, but have no papers to prove their freedom. There 
was a large sum of money found upon their persons— 
say about $1,000. They have been lodged in the First 
Municipality calaboose. 


5. MOTIVES AND TALENTS OF RUNAWAY SLAVES 


(a) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg), Jan. 
13, 1774- 

TWENTY POUNDS REWARD. Run away from Sub- 
scriber, a Mullatto Man named Abel, about forty 
Years old, near six Feet high, has lost several of his 
Teeth, large Eyebrows, a Scar or.two on some Part of 
his Face, occasioned by a Brick thrown at him by a Ne- 
gro, is very-apt to stroke his Hand over his Chin, and 
plays on the Violin. He is well known as a Pilot for 
York River and the Bay. As I have whipped him 
twice for his bad Behaviour, I believe Scars may be 
seen upon his Body. He can write so as to be under- 
stood, and once wrote a Pass for a Negro belonging to 
the Honourable Colonel Corbin, wherein he said the 
Fellow had served his Time honestly and truly. He has 
been to England, but the Captain he went with took 
Care to bring him back, and since his Return from that 
Country is very fond of Liquor. He is gone off in a 


82 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Boat with two Masts, Schooner rigged, once a Pilot 
Boat, but now the Property of the Magdalen Schooner 
of War, and was seen, I am told, fifty or sixty Leagues 
to the southward of Cape Henry, from which it is ex- 
pected he intends for one of the Carolinas. He is a 
very great Rogue, and is so instructed by several Per- 
sons not far from Wormeley’s Creek, York River; one 
of whom, he told me, said I was not worthy to be his 
Master. He had some Cash of my Son’s, and an Order 
drawn by Captain Punderson on Richard Corbin, Esq; 
payable to Ralph G. Meredith or myself. A White 
Lad went off with him, whom I cannot describe, never 
having seen him to my Knowledge. Whoever secures 
said Servant, so that I get him again, shall have the 
above Reward. SAMUEL MEREDITH, Senior. 
King and Queen, November 16, 1773. 

(b) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette, April 21, 1774. 

A talented and wily mulatto. 

Run away from the Neabsco Furnace, on the 16th of 
last Month, a light coloured Mulatto Man named Billy 
or Will, the Property of the Honourable John Taylor, 
Esquire. When I tell the Publick that he is the same 
Boy, who, for many Years, used to wait on me in my 
Travels through this and the neighbouring Province, 
and, by his Pertness, or rather _Impudence, was well 
known to almost all my Acquaintances, there is the less 
Occasion for a particular Description of him. How- 
ever, as he is now grown to the Size of a Man, and has 
not attended me for some Time past, I think it not amiss 
to say that he is a very likely young Fellow, about 
twenty Years old, five Feet nine Inches high, stout and 
strong made, has a remarkable Swing in his Walk, but 
is much more so by a surprising Knack he has of gain- 
ing the good Graces of almost every Body who will lis- 


FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES 83 


ten to his bewitching and deceitful Tongue, which sel- 
dom or ever speaks the Truth; has a small Scar on the 
right Side of his Forehead, and the little Finger of his 
right Hand is quite straight by a Hurt he got when a 
Child. He had on when he went away a blue Fear- 
naught and an under Jacket of green Baize, Cotton 
Breeches, Osnabrug Shirt, a mixed Blue Pair of Stock- 
ings, a pair of Country made Shoes, and yellow Buck- 
les. From his Ingenuity, he is capable of doing almost 
any Sort of Business, and for some Years past has been 
chiefly employed as a Founder, a Stone Mason, and a 
Miller, as Occasion required; one of which Trades, I 
imagine, he will, in the Character of a Freeman, pro- 
fess. I have some Reason to suspect his travelling to- 
wards James River, under the Pretence of being sent 
by me on Business. Whoever apprehends the said Mu- 
latto Slave, and brings him to me, or his Master, the 
Honourable John Taylor of Mount Airy, or secures 
him so as to be had again, shall have double what the 
Law allows, and all reasonable Charges paid by 

THomMAS LAWSON. 
Neabsco Furnace, April 1, 1774. 


(c) Advertisement from the Baton Rouge (La.) Republic, July 30, — 
1822. 


TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. Ran away from 
the subscriber, on the 15th. of May last, a negro man 
called Jim, about thirty five years: of agé, five feet ten 
inches high, slender built, very black, and considerably 
marked in his face by the small pox — He is by trade a 
painter, glazier and ship-carpenter, inclines to be very 
talkative; and informed me a short time before his de- 
parture, that he was a drummer in the army during the 
late war. JI think it very probable from the general ten- 
or of his conversation while here, that he will endeavor 
to get back to the neighborhood of Savannah, if possi- 
ble. 


oy 


84 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


I will pay the above reward, and all reasonable 
charges, for his being taken up and secured in any jail 
in the United States, so that I get him again. 

Monroe, (Lou.) July 12, 1822 R. H. STERLING. 

The Editors of the Republican, Savannah—Floridian, 
Pensacola—and Republic, Baton Rouge, are requested 
to give the above three insertions in their respective 
papers, and forward their accounts to this office for pay- 
ment. 


(d) Advertisement from the Baton Rouge (La.) Republic, April 16, 
1822. 


ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. Ran-Away from 
the subscriber on Monday night, the 18th. instant, a ne- 
gro man named Abraham, about 36 years of age, five 
feet ten or eleven inches high, black skin, limps a little 
in his right foot, and is very talkative; when in low 
white company, of which he is very fond, he pretends to 
be a free man. He was formerly owned by Mr. Overacre 
near Natchez, and was purchased by me of William 
T. Walker of that place, about three months ago. 
Abraham may probably attempt to reach Natchez, if he 
has gone off without pursuasion, but should he have 
been stolen, which I have some reason to suspect is the 
case, it is likely he will be taken up Red river, or to the 
neighborhood of Ouachita. The above reward will be 
paid upon the delivery of the negro to me at Baton 
Rouge, and the conviction of the thief, or $20 for such 
information as will enable me to recover the negro. 
March 10-tf JOHN NOLAND. 

The Editors of the Nashville Whig, Tennessee; 
Arkansas Gazette; and Cahawba Press, Alabama; are 
requested to insert the above advertisement three times, 
and forward their accounts to this office for payment. 


FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES 85 


(e) Extracts from letters of Elisha Cain, overseer on Retreat Planta- 
tion, Jefferson County, Ga., Oct. 10 and Nov. 1, 1829, to his em- 
ployer, Alexander Telfair, Savannah. MSS. in the possession of 
the Georgia Historical Society, trustee for the Telfair Academy of 
Arts and Sciences, Savannah. 

(1) Letter of Oct. to. 


At present we are all well (or near so) notwithstand- 
ing many of the negroes both young & old, have had 
the fever, and some of them have been sick, though I 
have not applied to any physician, and now I hope the 
worst is over. 

John ran off from me on the 18th Sept., and I have 
not seen him since. I have generally got on tolerable 
smoothely with the business, equally as much so if not 
more than any other year since I have lived on your 
plantation, and John’s running off was for no other 
cause than that he did not feel disposed to be governed 
by the same rules & regulations that the other negroes 
on the land are governed by. 


(2) Letter of Nov. 1. 

I stated to you in my last that John had ran off from 
me. He has returned, and appears to be willing to do 
his duty. 

6. DANGERS AND PUNISHMENTS 


(a) Advertisement from the Raleigh (N.C.) Register, Feb. 20, 1818. 
Shooting at Runaways. 


FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. Ran Away from the sub- 
scriber, living in Franklin county, North-Carolina on 
the 12th. of January, 1817, a Negro Man named Randol 
about 26 or 27 years of age, between 5 and 6 feet high, 
tather yellow complected; appears humble when spo- 
ken to. It is expected he has some marks of shot about his 
hips, thighs, neck and face, as he has been shot at several 
times. His wife belongs to a Mr. Henry Bridges, for- 


86 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


merly of this county, who started with her about the 
14th. instant, to South-Carolina, Georgia or Tennessee. 
It is supposed he will attempt to follow her. This is to 
caution all persons harbouring or trading for said 
Negro. And all masters of vessels are forbid having 
anything to do with him at the penalty of the law. The 
above reward and all reasonable charges will be paid 
to any person who will secure said negro, so that I get 
him. Woop TUCKER. 
December 23, 1817. 

N.B. Any person apprehending the above Negro, 
will inform me by letter, directed to Ransom’s Bridge, 
NEC: 

The Editors of the Telescope, S. Carolina; the Whig, 
Nashville, Tenn.; and Reflector, Milledgeville, will in- 
sert this advertisement six times, and forward their bills 
as above. 


(b) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg), April 
23, 1767. 
Bounty on the head of an outlawed slave. 


Run Away from the subscriber in Norfork, about the 
2oth of October last, two young Negro fellows, viz. 
Will, about 5 feet 8 inches high, middling black, well 
made, is an outlandish fellow, and when he is surprised 
the white of his eyes turns red; I bought him of Mr. 
Moss, about 8 miles below York, and imagine he is gone 
that way, or some where between York and Williams- 
burg. Peter, about 5 feet 9 inches high, a very black 
slim fellow, has a wife at Little Town, and a father at 
Mr. Philip Burt’s quarter, near the half-way house be- 
tween Williamsburg and York, he formerly belonged to 
Parson Fontaine, and I bought him of Doctor James 
Carter. They are both outlawed; and Ten Pounds a 
piece offered to any person that will kill the said Ne- 


FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES 87 


groes, and bring me their heads, or Thirty Shillings for 
each if brought home alive. JOHN BROWN. 

(c) Advertisement from the Carolina Centinel (Newbern, N.C.), Aug. 

8, 1818. 

ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. The subscriber 
having legally outlawed his negro man Harry, offers 
the above reward for his head, or the same if delivered 
alive to me. Harry is a stout well made fellow about 
five feet six inches high, small eyes, and an impudent 
look; he took with him when he absconded two coats, 
one grey and the other blue, and a home made suit of 
winter clothes, together with some other articles of 
clothing not recollected.—‘The above mentioned negro 
is legally outlawed. JOHN Y. BONNER. 
Fair-field, near Washington, N.C. 


(d) Advertisement from the Tennessee Gazette & Mero District Ad- 
vertiser (Nashville), Nov. 7, 1804. 
Andrew Jackson’s way. 


STOP THE RUNAWAY. FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. 
Eloped from the subscriber, living near Nashville on 
the 25th. of June last, a Mulatto Man Slave, about 
thirty years old, five feet and an inch high, stout made 
and active, talks sensible, stoops in his walk, and has a 
remarkably large foot, broad across the root of the toes— 
will pass for a free man, as | am informed he has ob- 
tained by some means, certificates as such—took with 
him a drab great-coat, dark mixed body coat, a ruffled 
shirt, cotton home spun shirts and overalls. He will 
make for Detroit, through the states of Kentucky and 
Ohio, or the upper part of Louisiana. The above re- 
ward will be given any person that will take him and 
deliver him to me, or secure him in jail so that I can get 
him. If taken out of the state, the above reward, and all 
reasonable expenses paid—and ten dollars extra for 


4 


88 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


every hundred lashes any person will give him to the 

amount of three hundred. 

ANDREW JACKSON, near Nashville, State of Tennessee. 
(e) Advertisement from the Louisiana Journal (St. Francisville), Nov. 


25, 1826. 
Tron collar and whip marks. 


RUNAWAY SLAVE. Is detained in the public prison 
of the Parish of Point Coupee, as a runaway, a negro 
about twenty years of age, calls himself William, he is 
Black and has a down look, five feet seven inches high, 
when committed, had around his neck an Iron collar 
with three prongs extending upwards, has many scars 
on his back and shoulders from the whip. He first said 
he belonged to a Mr. Robert Delony of New Orleans, 
secondly to a Mr. Stewart of Baton Rouge, thirdly to a 
Mr. John Davis, living opposite New Orleans, on the 
Mississippi river. Owners are requested to prove pro- 
perty and take him away. S. VAN WICKLE, Shff. 
Point Coupee, Nov. 4, 1826. 


7. ARREST OF STRAYS AND SUSPECTS 


(a) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg), Nov. 
5, 1767. 

Taken up on the 26th of July last, and now in New- 
bern goal, North Carolina, Two New Negro Men, the 
one named Joe, about 45 years of age, about 5 feet 6 
inches high, much wrinkled in the face, and speaks 
bad English. The other is a young fellow, about 5 feet 
10 inches high speaks better English than Joe, who he 
says is his father, has a large scar on the fleshy part of 
his left arm, and says they belong to Joseph Morse, but 
can give no account where he lives. They have nothing 
with them but an old Negro cloth jacket, and an old 
blue sailors jacket without sleeves. Also on the 21st of 


FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES 89 


September was committed to the said goal a Negro man 
named Jack, about 23 years of age, about 5 feet 4 inches 
high, of a thin visage, blear eyed, his teeth and mouth 
stand very much out, has six rings of his country marks 
round his neck, his ears full of holes, and cannot tell his 
master’s name. And on the 27th of September two 
other Negro men, one named Sampson, about 5 feet 10 
inches high, about 25 years of age, well made, very 
black, and is much marked on his body and arms with 
his country marks. The other named Will, about 5 feet 
4 inches high, about 22 years of age, and marked on the 
chin with his country marks’; they speak bad English, 
and cannot tell their masters names. Whoever own the 
said Negroes are desired to come and pay the fees and 
take them away. RICHARD BLACKLEDGE, Sheriff. 


(b) Advertisement from the Elkton (Md.) Press, Sept. 13, 1828. 

To SLAVE HOLDERS. Notice is hereby given, that a 
Negroman, about 26 years of age, has been committed 
to Cecil county jail, under suspicion of being a runaway 
slave. He is five feet nine inches high, stout and well 
formed, with remarkably small eyes. He calls himself 
John Brown, says that he was brought up near Bucks’ 
county, by a Mr. Disborough, and that his parents 
are both free. He has been employed for nearly 12 
months as a hand on board of a small packet, which sails 
between Baltimore and Port Deposit. His clothing 
consists of a pair of white drilling trousers, muslin shirt, 
and striped waistcoat. If within the space of sixty days 
from the date hereof, application shall not be made for 
him and all such legal costs and charges, as have ac- 
crued and shall accrue, by reason of apprehending, im- 
prisoning, and advertising him, paid, I will discharge 


2“Country marks”’ were the scars, tattooing, boring of ears, filing of teeth, etc., by which 
the Africans of certain tribes were accustomed to mark their persons. — Ep. 


go AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


him from prison unless remanded back for further con- 
finement, by the judge before whom I shall take him 
for examination, according to the provisions of the acts 
of assembly. THOMAS MILLER, Jr. Sheriff of C. C. 


8. LOCAL REFUGES 


(a) Advertisement from the Carolina Centinel (Newbern, N.C.), July 
25, 1818. 


TEN DOLLARS REWARD. Ranaway From the Sub- 
scriber living in Jones County, on the 18th. inst. a Negro 
Woman by the name of Amy, she is tall and stout built, 
Yellow Complexion, about 40 years of age, with several 
scars on her cheek and back of her neck, walks with her 
toes very much out, one of her fore-fingers very crooked 
near the joint of the thumb, which prevents her from 
straitening it, and has a very sullen look. The above 
Negro woman was taken up last winter by Mr. Guil- 
ford D. Murphy, up Neuse, where she was harboured. 
She says she was harboured, by a fellow by the name of 
Sam, belonging to Gen. Thomas A. Green, she then 
went to General Simpson’s plantation, where she was 
harboured by his negroes, then crossed over Neuse and 
was harboured by Mr. Patrick’s and William Bryan’s 
Negroes. I will give the above reward for her, de- 
livered to me or secured in Jail so that I get her. 

Masters of vessels and all others are forbid harbour- 
ing, employing or carrying her away under penalty of 
the law. JosEPH HATCH. 
Jones County, July 25th. 1818. 


(b) News item from the Charleston (S.C.) Observer, July 21, 1827. 

A nest of runaway negroes were lately discovered in 
the fork of the Alabama and Tombeckbee rivers, and 
broken up, after a smart skirmish by a party from Mo- 
bile County. Three of the negroes were killed, several 


FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES gt 


taken and a few escaped. They had two cabins, and 
were about to build a fort! Some of then had been run- 
away for years, and had committed many depredations 
on the neighbouring plantations. 

(c) Extract from the diary of Henry Ravenel of St. John’s Parish, 


South Carolina. MS. in possession of the Ravenel family, Pinopolis, 
S.C. 


1819. July 12. A party of Gent" from Pineville 
commanded by Major S. Porcher went into the swamps 
to attack a party of runaway negroes supposed to be 
armed. The squadron consisted of the following 
gentlemen, John and Jos. Palmer, Thos. Porcher, P. 
Porcher, I. Porcher &c. During our researches through 
the swamps an unfortunate accident occurred, by one of 
our party firing thro mistake, supposing him a negro, 
at another, Thomas L. Gourdin, shot Jas. Gaillard in 
the foot a slight wound. We proceeded from Milford 
down to Richmond and then came out. 

N.B. The above party did not see or hear of any 
runaway negro in the swamp. Two captains companies 
turned out on the other side of the river, but were equal- 
ly unsuccessful. Some time previous to our excursion 
a party from Williamsburg patrolled the swamp and 
shot a couple of negroes, a fellow . . . belonging 
to C. Lenud, the other owner unknown, both negroes 
died. A few days after our hunt another party from 
Williamsburg on a similar hunt shot a fellow of T. 
Gaillard and took some others armed, amongst them a 
ringleader named Billy from the Southward. He gives 
intelligence of a party of 30 negroes most of whom are 
armed, some in Hell Hole Swamp the rest in Santee 
Swamp, and a regular chain extending toward George- 
town.” 


92 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


g. “FOR SALE AS HE RUNS” 
Advertisement from the Carolina Centinel (Newbern, N.C.), Aug. 8, 
1818. 

TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. Ranaway from 
the Subscriber two months since, a Negro man named 
John; he is about 27 years of age, 5 feet 5 or 6 inches 
high, of a dark complexion, has a lean face, round body, 
and is well made-speaks plain, can read tolerably 
well, and has a scar on one of his heels. He has been 
lurking about Vine Swamp, in this county, and about 
my own neighborhood-—and has frequently been seen 
with a gun, and other weapons for defense. It is 
thought that he will endeavor to get to Portsmouth, in 
Virginia, where he was sold by Mr. H. Harboard, to 
Mr. Andrew Hurst of Duplin County N. Carolina. 

The above reward will be given to any person who 
will apprehend said negro & secure him in any Jail so 
that I get him. 

Should any person be disposed to purchase him as he 
runs, I will take six hundred dollars, and give a good 
title. He is an excellent ditcher, can Hew, farm, or 
turn his hand to almost anything. 

All masters of vessels and others are forwarned from 
harbouring, employing, or carrying him away under 
the penalty of the law. FRANCIS GOODING. 
Lenoir County, 25th. April, 1818-tf. 


10. THE BARBARISM OF SLAVERY IN THE CASE OF 
LIGHT MULATTOES 


(a) Advertisement from the Georgia Express (Athens), Dec. 17, 1808. 

Runaway from the subscriber living in Jackson coun- 
ty, on the Oconee river near Clarkesborough, on Sunday 
night the 13th of November last a mulatto man of the 
name of Joe. He isa very bright mulatto, almost white, 


FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES 93 


about six feet high, tolerably well made, yellow gray 
eyes and yellow hair. He is branded on each cheek 
with the letter R, one of his upper fore teeth out, and, 
on examining under one of his arms there will be found 
a scar. He carried off with him clothes of different 
kinds, among them is a blue regimental coat turned up 
with red. He likewise took away with him a smooth 
bored gun. I suspect he will attempt to pass for a free 
man, and no doubt will aim northwardly or for the In- 
dian Nation. Any person who will apprehend the 
above described negro, deliver him to me or confine 
him in jail shall be handsomely compensated. 

RICHARD 'THURMOND. 

(b) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg), March 

26, 1767. 

Run away about the 15th of December last, a small 
yellow Negro wench named Hannah, about 35 years of 
age; had on when she went away a green plains petti- 
coat, and sundry other clothes, but what sort I do not 
know, as she stole many from the other Negroes. She 
has remarkable long hair, or wool, is much scarified un- 
der the throat from one ear to the other, and has many 
scars on her back, occasioned by whipping. She pre- 
tends much tothe religion the Negroes of late have 
practised, and may probably endeavour to pass for a 
free woman, as I understand she intended when she 
went away, by the Negroes in the neighbourhood. She 
is supposed to have made for Carolina. Whoever 
takes up the said slave, and secures her so that I get her 
again, shall be rewarded according to their trouble, by 

STEPHEN DENCE. 


94 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


11. A SLAVE SUICIDE 


Extract from a letter of William Capers, overseer on Gowrie and 
East Hermitage Plantations, Chatham County, Ga., June 13, 1860, 
to his employer, Charles Manigault, Charleston, S.C. MS. in the 
possession of Mrs. Hawkins Jenkins, Pinopolis, S.C. 


[On my return to the plantation] All things found 
going on quite well excepting the death of London who 
was drowned on Monday morning about 9 ocl. The 
cause of this sad calamity is this, viz., George brought 
London & Nat to Ralph,° saying they deserved punish- 
ment, they were taken to the Barn, when Ralph went 
for the key to put them in George allowed London to 
leave him, an when spoken to by Ralph about not mak- 
ing an exertion to stop London his answer was he would 
not dust his feet to stop him. London went on to Ra- 
coon sq’ then took the River at the mouth of the canal, 
in the presents of some of Mr. Barclay’s negroes and 
Ralph who told him to return, George should not whip 
him until my return, his ans[ wer] was he would drown 
himself before he would and he sank soon after, the re- 
mains of him is now quite near no 15 Trunk, Gowrie. 
My orders have been no one is to touch the corpse and 
will there remain if not taken off by the next tide, this 
I have done to let the negroes see when a negro takes his 
own life they will be treated in this manner. My advice 
to you about George is to ship him, he is of no use to you 
as a driver and is a bad negro, he would command a 
good price in Savannah where he can be sold in a quiet 
manner. 


3 Ralph was apparently the negro foreman, George, a subforeman, and London and Nat 
were members of George’s gang. — Ep. 


FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES 95 


12. LISTS OF RUNAWAYS IMPRISONED IN JAMAICAN 
WORKHOUSES, 1803 


Official advertisements of runaways from the Royal Gazette (Kingston, 
Jamaica), June 4-11, 1803. 


RUNAWAYS. IN KINGSTON WORKHOUSE, JUNE 9, 1803 


Davey, [belonging] to the Hon. A. Johnstone, Esq. a 
creole, 5 feet 634 inc. Nov. 25. 

Franky, to the Hon. Henry Shirley, Esq. an Eboe, 4 
feet 8 inc. no visible mark, Mar. 3. 

Joe, to Mr. Lawrence,-Coromantee, 5 feet % inc. 
marked both shoulders, but not plain. 17. 

Robert to Dr. Ettrick, an Angola, 4 feet 7 % inc. no 
visible mark, but a sore in his right leg. 21. 

Gerard Cohen, a mulatto man 5 feet. ro inc. no visi- 
ble mark, 24. 

wi to, Dr. -Jz-J- Reeve—creole, 5 ft. 334 ine: 
marked IR left shoulder, 29. 

Richard, to Capt. John Edwards, a Bermudian, 5 
feet. 2 inc. no visible mark. 

Bacchus, to Mr. Thomas Leigh, a Congo, 5 feet 8% 
inc. marked CD, heart with an arrow through it, on top, 


right shoulder. 
John Davis, to Capt. Taite, an Eboe, 5 ft. 73% inc. 
April 8. 


Tom, to Mr. Pierce, on or near Mr. Stanley’s moun- 
tain, a Coromantee, 5 feet 214 inc. marked RI, diamond 
between, reversed on the left shoulder. 

Robert to Capt. Roberts, Port-Antonio, a ee 
eS inc. 22. 

Wheedle, to Tavares, or Barrow, Duckeaneia an 
Angola, 5 feet. 3% inc. Www right shoulder, a7! 

Flora, to Miss Jenny Austin, a creole, 4 feet. 10 inc. 
May 1. 


96 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


John Williams, says he is free, a creole of St. Kitt’s, 
5 ft. 9 inc. has lost the second toe in the left foot. 2. 

James Richards, says he is free, a creole, 5 feet. 9 inc. 
no visible brand mark. 

Lewis Vincent, says he is free,Curracoa, 5 feet 9 
inc. no visible brand mark. 

John, to Mr. Thompson Watson, Spanish Town, a 
creole, 4 ft. 7% inc. marked H.A. in one, both shoul- 
ders, 3. 

Patty, to Mr. Hall, a creole, 5 ft. % inc. no visible 
mark. 

Richard Payne, an American, 5 ft. 734 imc. has a 
large sore on his right leg. 

William, to Mr. Jones, or Miss Fanny Williams, or 
Colliard, a Creole, 4 ft. 9 inc. marked on the right 
shoulder, but not plain. 

Ned, owner unknown, a Mungola, 5 feet 3 inc. 
marked on the left shoulder D/B. 12. 

Dragon, to Mr. Williams, Black River, a Coroman- 
tee, 5 ft. 414 inc. mark appears CW right shoulder not 
plain. 15. 

John, to Mr. Moody, an American 5 ft. 3% inc. no 
visible mark, 19. 

Moses, to the estate of Mr. Kellerman, a Papa, 5 ft. 2 
inc. no visible brand mark. 20. 

Betsey, to Miss Polly Hunt, a brown woman of Anti- 
gua, a Congo 5 ft. 1 inc. 26. | 

George, to Mr. Riddle, planter of Antigua, a Congo, 
5 feet. 3% inc. 

Joe or Thomas, to Mr. Ferrier or Mr. Farris, Eboe, 
5 ft. 214 inc. marked A. right shoulder, not plain 30. 

Trust, to Mr. Cardozo or Mr. Hunter, a man of col- 
our, a Mundingo, 6 feet 2 inc. marked G.D. right 
shoulder June 3. 


FUGITIVE AND STOLEN SLAVES 97 


Patrick, to Mr. Johnston, overseer of Clarendon 
workhouse, or the parish of Clarendon, taken out of 
the workhouse on 30th. May by a Mr. Levy, from 
whom he made his escape, a creole, 4 ft. 10 inc. no visi- 
ble mark 4. 

Robert, to Messrs Hardys and Garnett a Mundingo 
Moy, 4 it. 5 inc. 5. 

Jemmy, to the estate of Mr. Kemp, dec. a Mundingo 
5 ft. 6% inc. left ear split. 6. 

Fanny to Mr. Watson, or Castile Fort pen, a creole, 
5 ft. 2 inc. no visible brand mark 8. 

Joe, to Mr. Munro, or Mr. Livingston, a Mundingo, 
5 ft. 8 inc. no visible mark except that of the whip. 

Juliet, to Monsieur Montagnac, an Eboe, 5 feet 5 inc. 
marked MV left shoulder 9. 

Providence, to Mr. John Broughton, an Eboe, 4 ft. '5 
inc. marked IB right shoulder 9. 

Jamaica ss. The above is a just and true list of the 
Runaways in this workhouse, to the best of my informa- 
tion and belief, except those in the list for sale. 

JAMES Barr, Sup. 
Sworn before me this gth. June, 1803.-GE0. KINGHORN. 


IN ST. ANDREW'S WORKHOUSE, JUNE 9, 1803 


Peter, to Mr. Clarke, Rose Hill, a Mungola-, RC, 5 
ft. 7 inches, now found to belong to Mr. Clarke, Port- 
Antonio, Feb. 2. 

Nancy, to Miss Waters, Kingston, a creole girl, no 
mad 5 ff. 3 inc. Feb. 11. 

Dick, to Mr. Barrett, a Coromantee, FB left shoul- 
der, 5 ft. 4 inc. Mart. 

James, to Mr. Alexander, Kingston, a Mundingo, 5 
ft. 634 inc. 29. 

Adam, owner unknown, a Congo, 5 ft. 3 inc. April 19. 


98 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Cyrus, to Mr. Tonge, of St. Ann’s a Congo, 5 ft. 4% 
INC! 129) 

William or Belford, to a Mr. Vennel or Vernall a 
creole 18V, 5 ft. 934 inc. 25. 

Cork, to estate of William Bailey, a Congo, NE, BM 
underneath 5 ft. 434 inc. May 9. 

Abraham, to Mr. Willis or Willasey, an Eboe, IC CI 
both shoulders, 5 ft. 334 inc. 16. 

A new negro man, owner unknown, a Moco, s ft. 8 
inc. 20. 

Dominick, to Cromwell estate, St. Mary’s apparent- 
ly GG left shoulder, 5 ft. 134 inc. 

Countess, a Papa wench, to Miss Desmond, 4 ft. 11 
inc. 26. 

John, to Doctor M’Dermot, a Moco boy, 5 ft. o% in. 
27, 

Jack, to Mr. Harnett, an Eboe Boy, 5 ft. 1 in. 

Douglas, to Mr. Munro, a Papa D3 left shoulder, 5 
ft. 51% inc. June 2. 

Cupid, to ditto, a Mungola boy 4 ft. 11 ine. 

Clarissa, a new negro, owner unknown, a Mongola 
wench, 5 ft. 3% inc. 3. 

March, to A. Mackervan, a boy, says he is of the Wa- 
wee country, marks defaced, 5 ft. 2 in. 6. 

Jamaica ss. The above is a true and just list of un- 
claimed Runaways in this workhouse on the above date, 
except those in the list for sale, to the best of my knowl- 
edge and belief. | Wo. WALKER. 
Sworn to before me this gth. day of June, 1803. 

JOHN CAMPBELL. 


XII. SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME 


1. AN OUTBREAK IN JAMAICA, 1765. 


News item from the Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. xxxvi, 135, 136. 

Extract of a letter from Zach. Bayly, Esq., Custos 
Rotulorum of St. Mary’s in Jamaica, to his brother, 
Nath. Bayly, of Lincoln’s inn-fields; dated at Nonesuch 
Estate in St. Mary’s the 27th Nov. 1765, received by the 
Ruby, Capt. King. 

I was called up about two o’clock on Monday Morn- 
ing, and told that the works at White-hall Estate were 
on fire and the Negroes in actual rebellion; and that 
Mr. Byndless (who dined with me the day before) was 
killed. I immediately mustered all the people here and 
at my estate Unity, and dispatched one of them to Tre- 
molsworth estate, and so round that part of the neigh- 
borhood, and another round the lower part of the neigh- 
borhood to give the alarm; after which I pushed over to 
White-hall with seven or eight people, which were all 
I could muster; but we were told the rebels were gone 
to Ballard’s Valley estate. We found Mr. Byndless 
dead upon the hall floor, and that Mrs. Beckford, see- 
ing the Negroes knock him down, had jumped over the 
rails of the piazza, and run away in her under petticoat 
into the Cane pieces. —The Overseer and another white 
man had run over to Ballard’s Valley estate, and there 
being six or eight stands of good arms in the overseer’s 
house, they mustered all their white people and were 
going to White-hall, when they found the rebels were 
coming towards them, but not knowing their numbers, 


100 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


and hearing they had got many fire arms, they retired 
back into the overseer’s house, in which though weak, 
they kept the rebels off, and shot one of them who en- 
deavored to set the house on fire. The rebels then set 
the trash houses on fire, the flames of which we could 
see, and hear their hideous howling, which made us 
conclude they had killed all the white people there; 
and expecting they would go next to Unity estate, where 
I had appointed the Tremolsworth people to meet us, I 
pushed thither, after having taken two jugs and a half 
of powder and two blunderbusses which the rebels had 
left at White-hall estate; but as we saw nothing of them 
there, we hastened over to Ballard’s Valley estate. By 
this time it was day-break; we found two or three armed 
people there left to take care of the works, and that the 
overseer, with the White-hall overseer, Dr. Campbell, 
and some others from Land Rumny estate, had made up 
a party and had just set off in pursuit of the rebels. We 
followed them and in our way found Mr. Graham, 
overseer of Land Rumny estate, lying dead upon the 
ground with his head cut off; it seems he had heard the 
shell blow, and seeing the fire at White-hall, rode di- 
rectly to that estate, and so unfortunately fell into their _ 
hands. We saw a track of some blood which we ima- 
gined to be one of the wounded rebels, and therefore 
followed it as far as the cross; I there divided my peo- 
ple into two parties, one of which I sent towards Esher 
estate, and went with the other towards Seaton’s; I soon 
heard some firing in the woods not far from us, and im- 
agining that Dr. Campbell’s party was now engaged 
with the rebels, I ordered a party immediately to go into 
the woods towards the place, I resolving to traverse 
round the wood and provision ground, in order, if pos- 
sible, to prevent their escape. Soon after one of the party 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME IOI 


brought me an account that they had killed four of 
them, and four others they found had shot themselves ; 
they also took five muskets and three blunderbusses. I 
then thought it prudent to make an overhaul at all the 
neighboring estates, to see how many slaves were miss- 
ing, and finding only fifteen or sixteen had been con- 
cerned, or at least, no more had gone into actual rebel- 
lion, I went to refresh the men at Nonesuch and after- 
wards sent out parties in pursuit of the remainder. 
Some of the Negroes report, that the rebels finding 
themselves disappointed in their first design, which 
was to kill all the white people in the neighborhood 
that night, and being pursued so soon after, they all 
made away with themselves; which as they were Cor- 
romantes, I think not unlikely. 


2. A PLOT IN NORTH CAROLINA, 1831 
News item from Fayetteville, N.C., printed in the Federal Union 
(Milledgeville, Ga.), Oct. 6, 1831. 

Two of the gentlemen who went from this place to 
Clinton on Monday night, have this moment returned, 
there being no danger, though the existence of the plot 
is clearly established. We have procured from one of 
them the following statement, drawn up by himself 
yesterday at Clinton. It is worthy of entire reliance. 

On Sunday, the 4th inst., the first information of the 
contemplated rising of the blacks was sent from South 
Washington. The disclosure was made by a free mulat- 
to man to Mr. Usher, of Washington, who sent the in- 
formation to Mr. Kelly of Duplin. It appears from 
the mulatto’s testimony, that Dave, a slave belonging 
to Mr. Morissey, of Sampson, applied to him to join 
the conspirators; stated that the negroes in Sampson, 
Duplin, and New Hanover, were regularly organized 


102 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


and prepared to rise on the 4th of October. Dave was 
taken up, and on this testimony convicted. After his 
conviction, he made a confession of the above to his 
master, and, in addition, gave the names of the four 
principal ringleaders in Sampson and Duplin, and sevy- 
eral in Wilmington, named several families that they 
intended to murder. Their object was to march by two 
routes to Wilmington, spreading destruction and mur- 
der on their way. At Wilmington they expected to be 
reinforced by 2,000, to supply themselves with arms 
and ammunition, and then return. Three of the ring- 
leaders in Duplin have been taken, and Dave and Jim 
executed. There are 23 negroes in jail in Duplin 
county, all of them no doubt concerned in the con- 
spiracy. Several have been whipped, and some re- 
leased. In Sampson 25 are in Jail, all concerned di- 
rectly or indirectly in the plot. The excitement among 
the people in Sampson is very great, and increasing; 
they are taking effectual measures to arrest all suspected 
persons. A very intelligent negro preacher, named 
David, was put on his trial to-day, and clearly convicted 
by the testimony of another negro. The people were 
so much enraged, that they scarcely could be prevented 
from shooting him on his passage from the Court house 
to the jail. All the confessions made induce the belief 
that the conspirators were well organized, and their 
plans well understood in Duplin, Sampson, Wayne, 
New Hanover, and Lenoir. Nothing had transpired 
to raise even a suspicion that they extended into Cum- 
berland or Bladen, except that Jim confessed that Nat, 
Col. Wright’s negro, (who has been missing since the 
discovery of the plot,) had gone to Bryant Wright’s, in 
the neighborhood of Fayetteville, to raise a company 
to join the conspirators. The rumors respecting a large 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME 103 


force having been seen collected together, are unfound- 
ed, though there seems no doubt but that small armed 
bands have been seen. I cannot believe that any danger 
is to be apprehended, where the citizens are so con- 
stantly on the watch, and pursue such rigorous meas- 
ures towards the offenders. The militia are assembled 
in ample force. 

The Raleigh Star of Thursday last says—“We un- 
derstand that about 21 negroes have been committed 
to jail in Edenton, on a charge of having been concerned 
in concerning a project of rebellion.” 

(Edenton is 100 miles from Southampton county, 
Virginia, and near 200 miles from Duplin and Sampson 
counties, in North Carolina.) 


3. EFFECTS OF NEGRO PLOTS ON PUBLIC 
SENTIMENT 


(a) Memorial of the Citizens of Charleston to the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the State of South Carolina [ Charleston, 1822], 
12 pages. Text here given complete. 


At a moment of anxiety and in a season of deep 
solicitude, resulting from the recent discovery of a pro- 
jected insurrection among our colored population, your 
Memorialists submit to you the following considera- 
tions: 

Under the influence of mild and generous feelings, 
the owners of slaves in our state were rearing up a 
system, which extended many privileges to our negroes; 
afforded them greater protection; relieved them from 
numerous restraints; enabled them to assemble without 
the presence of a white person for the purpose of social 
intercourse or religious worship; yielding to them the 
facilities of acquiring most of the comforts and many 
of the luxuries of improved society; and what is of more 
importance, affording them means of enlarging their 


104 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


minds and extending their information; a system, whose 
establishment many persons could not reflect on without 
concern, and whose rapid extension, the experienced 
among us could not observe but “with fear and trem- 
bling,” nevertheless, a system which met the approba- 
tion of by far the greater number of our citizens, who 
exulted in what they termed the progress of liberal 
ideas upon the subject of slavery, whilst many good 
and pious persons fondly cherished the expectation that 
our negroes would be influenced in their conduct to- 
wards their owners by sentiments of affection and 
gratitude. 

The tranquility and good order manifested for a time 
among the slaves, induced your memorialists to regard 
the extension of their privileges, in a favourable light, 
and to entertain the hope that as they were more in- 
dulged, they would become more satisfied with their 
condition and more attached to the whites. 

But in the midst of these promising appearances, 
whilst the citizens were reposing the utmost confidence 
in the fidelity of the negroes, the latter were plotting 
the destruction of the former. A plan was perfected — 
a corps was organized—arms were collected, and every 
thing arranged to overwhelm us with calamity—a ca- 
lamity from which we were preserved by the fidelity 
of a single slave, who disclosed to us a plot, which in its 
origin, extent and design, may well bear comparison 
with the most atrocious of the West Indian insurrec- 
tionary schemes. No regard was to be paid to age or 
sex—no discrimination to be made between the beney- 
olent master and the severe slave-holder, without even 
respecting the sacred character of our Clergy, who had 
been assiduous in instructing them in the duties of life, 
and encouraging them in the pursuit of Heaven; the 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME 105 


slaves had resolved to seize on the arsenals, destroy the 
guard, murder the citizens, and envelope the town in 
one extended conflagration. The discovery of the plot, 
but a few days before the period resolved on for its 
execution, fortunately preserved us from these horrors, 
and brought many of the conspirators to justice. But 
although the immediate danger has passed away, yet 
the causes from which it originated your memorialists 
conceive to exist in full vigor and activity, and will, as 
they conscientiously believe, produce, before many 
years, a series of the most appalling distresses, unless 
speedily removed by the most resolute and most de- 
termined laws. To the enacting of such laws, the atten- 
tion of the Legislature is solicited by your memorialists, 
who, after the most attentive investigation into the 
origin, design and extent of the late projected insurrec- 
tion—after a careful inquiry into the existing evils of 
our slave system, and after mature reflection on the 
remedies to be adopted, humbly recommend that laws 
be passed to the following effects :— 

1st. To send out of our State, never again to return, 

'; all the free persons of color. 

In considering this subject, it naturally resolves itself 
into two parts: Ist. the evils to be expected from the 
movements of the free people of color from themselves, 
and 2nd. those which arise from the influence which } 
the existence of such a class of persons must Sas 
upon our slave system. 

In considering, first, the evils to be apprehended more 
immediately ‘from the free people of color themselves, 
we must consider the relation in which they stand both 
to the whites and the slaves. They form a third class - 
in our society, enjoying more privileges than the slaves, 
and yet possessing few of the rights of the master; a 


106 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


class of persons having and exercising the power of 
moving unrestrained over every part of the State; of 
acquiring property, of amassing wealth to an unlimited 
extent, of procuring information on every subject, and 
of uniting themselves in associations or societies—yet 
still a class, deprived of all political rights, subjected 
equally with slaves to the police regulations for persons 
of color, and sensible that by no peaceable and legal 
methods can they render themselves other than a 
degraded class in your society. Thus it appears that 
/ they have sufficient of liberty to appreciate the blessings 
of freedom; and are sufficiently shackled to be sensible 
they enjoy comparatively few of those blessings. But 
it is the very constitution of the human mind, that its 
desires progress in a ratio proportioned to the increase 
of its acquisitions; and in no respect is this more observ- 
able than in its efforts after freedom. Restraints are 
always irksome, but restraints on one portion of the 
community, from which the other are exempt, become 
doubly so from comparison; it therefore follows from 
the very nature of things, that the free people of color 
must be discontented with their situation, and will em- 
brace the first favorable opportunity of attaining all the 
privileges enjoyed by the whites, and from which, with 
deep regret, they see themselves cut off. The efforts of 
men to obtain any given object are always proportioned 
to the animation of their hopes or the energy of their 
despair. The hopes of the free negroes will increase 
with their numbers, and when they shall have equalled 
the whites, which it can easily be shown will happen 
before many years are passed, they will expect and claim 
all the privileges, rights and immunities of citizens, 
which if denied them, as they must be, they will be 
driven by despair to obtain by force what cannot be 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME 107 


effected in any other way; and then, indeed, will the 
evil have become of such magnitude as will render it 
almost impossible to remove it. This naturally leads 
us to the inquiry of what is the actual, and what is the 


relative increase of the free persons of color. To 


simplify the calculation, let us take the increase for the | 
last ten years; In eighteen hundred and ten, there 
were one thousand six hundred (1680) and eighty free 
persons of color in the Parishes of St. Michaels and St. 
Philips; in eighteen hundred and twenty, but ten years 
afterwards, they had increased to three thousand (3062) 
and sixty two; in the same period, the whites had only 
increased from 13,007 to 14,958, so that whilst the 
whites increased only a little more than 14 per cent, 
the free people of color increased about 85 per cent. or, 
in other words, the whites in ten years have increased 
about (1/7) one seventh, and the free people of color 
have nearly doubled—Should the free people of color 
increase for the next thirty years as they have done for 
the last ten, in the year one thousand eight hundred 
and fifty, they will amount to 18,402, whilst the whites 
will only have amounted to 21,824; so that in thirty 
years, the whites in the Parishes of St. Philip and St. 
Michaels will exceed the free persons of color only by 
3,422, whilst at this moment they exceed them by 
11,896. 

This calculation, however, is made upon the most 
favorable principles for the whites—for if we judge 
from the evidence afforded by the last ten years, the 
ratio of increase among the whites is diminishing, 
whilst that of the free persons of color is increasing. 

- But there are other causes which must operate upon 
these relative numbers, and must render the free per- 
sons of color in a few years more numerous than the 


108 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


whites—at the same time evincing how dangerous this 
class must prove, if suffered to remain among us. 

The Free people will never emigrate; they have so 
little to hope for, and so much to dread, from any 
change of place, that they will adhere to the spot of 
their nativity, under the pressure of any inconvenience, 
rather than seek to improve their condition in distant 
countries. As they multiply, they are bred up to the 
mechanical arts, or perform such labor as is usually 
performed by the poorer class of whites; of course they 
must come in competition with this class, and before 
the lapse of many years, the quantity of labor will 
greatly exceed the demand, and employment must be 
sought where the demand is greater—one class must 
therefore emigrate; but the free people of color will 
not emigrate; consequently the whites must; so that as 
the free people of color are extending their lines, the 
whites are contracting theirs.. This is not mere specula- 
tion, but a fact sufficiently exemplified already. Every 
winter, considerable number of Germans, Swiss and 
Scotch arrive in Charleston, with the avowed intention 
of settling among us, but are soon induced to emigrate 
towards the west, by perceiving most of the mechanical 
arts performed by free persons of color. Thus we 
learn, that the existence of this class among us, is in 
the highest degree detrimental to our safety. 

But in another point of view, the residence of free 
negroes among us, is pregnant with evils, evils arising 
from the influence which the existence of such a class 
of persons must have upon our slave system. 

/’ ‘The superior condition of the free persons of color, 
excites discontent among our slaves, who continually 
have before their eyes, persons of the same color, many 
of whom they have known in slavery, and with all of 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME 109 


whom they associate on terms of equality—freed from 
the control of masters, working where they please, going 
whither they please, and expending their money how 
they please—the slave seeing this, finds his labor irk- 
some; he becomes dissatisfied with his state, he pants 
after liberty! A liberty he can never hope to acquire 
by purchase or faithful services, for the Legislature has 
deemed it expedient to close the door against emancipa- 
tion, his only chance for freedom is to combine with 
others and endeavor to incite an insurrection; an insur- 
rection which offers to the free colored man as many 
temptations as to the slave—for as the slave is desirous 
of being on equality with him, so he likewise is desirous 
of being placed on the same footing with the whites. It 
is therefore the interest of the free persons of color, to 
cherish a spirit of discontent among the slaves, as they 
hope to avail themselves of their assistance to promote 
their own schemes of ambition. There is identity of in- 
terest between the slave and the free person of color, 
whilst there is none between the latter class and the 
whites; but there is not only an identity of interest, but 
also an identity of feeling among the colored people of 
both descriptions—they are associated by color, connect- 
ed by marriages, and by friendships, Many of the free 
negroes have parents, brothers, sisters and children, who 
are slaves; should an insurrection occur, they would 
have every inducement to join it; they would be dis- 
trustful of the whites, and the whites would be naturally 
distrustful of them; they would therefore carry over 
to slaves their intelligence and numbers, and would 
serve as channels for communication between slaves of 
the different portions of the state. But it may be re- 
marked, that in the late projected insurrection, very 
few of the free people of color were engaged-—let it 


110 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


however, not be forgotten, that Denmark Vesey was a 
free person; he who projected and planned the insur- 
rection; who was the leader of the conspirators, and 
the most active in collecting the materials.- Had he 
not been free, it would have been impossible for him 
to communicate so extensively with the slaves in the 
country, without whose co-operation, the slaves in the 
city would not have dared to make the attempt to 
emancipate themselves. 

But it is said, great inconvenience will result to the 
free persons of color, and we ought not to inflict so 
much distress on an innocent race of persons. Your 
memorialists are aware of the inconvenience to which 
the free persons of color will be subjected if compelled 
to emigrate. But they are sensible that a partial evil 
must frequently be tolerated for the promotion of the 
general welfare, and the only inquiry to be made is, 
whether the good to be received by the state, exceeds 
any evil which can possibly arise to the free people of 
color. Now your memorialists conceive there is no 
comparison between them; the evils which the free 
people of color will experience, must in its very nature, 
be temporary. In a few years they will have acquired 
new habits, found out new channels of industry, and 
formed new connections—whilst those remaining 
amongst us, will be a source of continual apprehension 
to the whites; of continual discontent to the slaves, and 
sooner or later, the inevitable cause of a disastrous and 
bloody commotion in our state. 

It becomes us, however painful it may prove; to 
sacrifice feeling to reason, and mistaken compassion 
to a stern policy, and expel from our territory every 
free person of color, that we may extinguish at once 
every gleam of hope which the slaves may indulge of 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME III 


ever being free—and that we may proceed to govern2 
them on the only principle that can maintain slavery, 
the “principle of fear.” 

2nd, your Memorialists are decidedly of opinion, | 
that the number of negroes to be hired out, should be 
limited by law, and that no negro should be allowed 
to work as a mechanic unless under the immediate con- 
trol and inspection of his master. By far the greater 
portion of negroes who work out, are released in a con- 
siderable degree from the controul of their masters— 
laboring or forbearing to labour, as their interest or 
inclination prompts, rendering unto their owners, only 
a monthly account; and provided they but settle the 
wages with punctuality are permitted to regulate their 
own conduct; the consequence is, they assemble to- 
gether whenever they wish, and having their time at 
their own disposal, can be convened at any given and 
fixed period, and having regular and stated meetings, 
can originate, prepare and mature their own plans for 
insurrection. Whereas, the slaves who are kept in the 
yards of their masters, are immediately under their 
eyes, and cannot fix upon a period for assembling— 
they know not at what hour they may be called for by 
their owners, or for how long a period they may obtain 
leave of absence—they cannot, therefore, act in concert 
Boge concert is the very life of a conspiracy.’ 

But there is another consideration. The facility of 
obtaining work is not always the same. At one period 
the demand for labor is considerable; at another the 
demand is comparatively small; the consequence is, the 
labor of the slaves hired out is very irregular, and a 
quantity of time is consumed in idleness. Irregularity 
of habits is thus acquired; this irregularity produces 
restlessness of disposition, which delights in mischief 


112 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


~and detests quiet. The same remarks will apply to the 


‘negro mechanics, who having a stated portion of labor 


to perform, are masters of the remainder of the day, 
when the work is ended. The time in the evenings, and 
on the Sabbath is so entirely at their disposal, that the 
most ample opportunity is afforded of forming com- 
binations and devising schemes. Should a law be passed 
limiting the number of slaves to be hired out and con- 
fining the exercise of the mechanical arts to white per- 
sons (except in the cases above specified,) the result 
will be that a large portion of the black population now 
in the city, will be removed into the country, and their 
places be supplied by white laborers from Europe and 
the Northern States. In this manner we will exchange 
a dangerous portion of our population for a sound and 
healthy class of persons “whose feelings will be our 


feelings, and whose interests our interests.” 


The late intended Insurrection forcibly proves the 
truth of the above remarks; for with a very few excep- 
tions, the negroes engaged in that conspiracy were 
mechanics or persons working out. Great inconven- 
ience, perhaps even considerable misery, may be ex- 
perienced by many worthy citizens, who at present are 
maintained by the hire of their slaves. But to obtain 
important objects by effecting considerable change or 
reform, great sacrifices must be made, and great dif- 
ficulties encountered. This is an affair in which tem- 
porizing expedients will avail nothing. We must meet 
the difficulties with resolution, and overcome them by 
the most vigorous and determined course of action. 
They are difficulties which, if eluded now, will meet 
us again in their progress, multiply and crowd upon us 
until we are involved in confusion and disorder. 

3rd. Your memorialists also recommend to the 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME 113 


Legislature to prescribe the mode in which our persons 
of color shall dress.—'Their apparel has become so ex- 
pensive as to tempt the slaves to dishonesty; to give 
them ideas not consistent with their conditions; to ren- 
der them insolent to the whites, and so fond of parade 
and show as to cause it extremely difficult to keep them 
athome. Your memorialists therefore recommend that 
they be permitted to dress only in coarse stuffs, such as. 
coarse woolens or worsted stuffs for winter—and coarse 
cotton stuffs for summer-—felt hats, and coarse cotton 
handkerchiefs. Every distinction should be created 
between the whites and the negroes, calculated to make 
the latter feel the superiority of the former. It is not 
the intention of your memorialists to embrace in these 
sumptuary regulations “livery servants,” as liveries 
however costly, are still badges of servitude. The 
object is to prevent the slaves from wearing silks, satins, 
crapes, lace, muslins, and such costly stuffs, as are 
looked upon and considered the luxury of dress. 

4th. The next topic to which your memorialists 
would invite the attention of the Legislature, is the 
organization of a regular, efficient military force, in 
lieu of the City Guard, as at present constituted. The 
City Guard, as now organized, are of little benefit to 
the city. Most of them are shop-keepers or retailers 
of spirituous liquors to the negroes. It is therefore 
their interest and it is notorious that this interest induces 
them to permit such of the negroes as are their cus- 
tomers, to pass unmolested through our streets after 
the bell has rung, and the watch has set. Independently 
of this circumstance, the members of the Guard are em- 
ployed in some occupation throughout the day, and 
when night comes are totally incapacitated from serving 
as sentinels. In such a city as ours, where there is a 


114 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


large slave population, we should be extremely vigilant; 
a regular well disciplined force, well officered, and 
distinct from the body of the citizens, generally, should 
be kept on duty night and day. It is of equal im- 
portance to the city and country that such a body be or- 
ganized, for insurrections, though they may break out 
on the plantations, must necessarily have their origin 
in the city. We should always act as if we had an enemy 
in the very bosom of the State, prepared to rise upon 
and surprise the whites, whenever an opportunity be 
afforded. 

5th. It is further recommended by your memorialists 
that a law be passed, preventing persons of color from 
holding real property. Many of them are becoming 
rich, and some of them are already owners of planta- 
tions. It is impossible to calculate the evil which may 
arise from any number of these people possessing ex- 
tensive plantations. Living in the country, they must, 
in a great measure, be removed from the vigilance of 
the whites. They can harbour any number of runaway 
negroes; their plantations may become the rendezvous 
of the desperate and discontented among the slaves, and 
having within themselves the means of support, they 
may carry on their schemes of destruction, without any 
likelihood of detection. Neither should they possess 
real estate in the city, as it will enable them to become 
landlords to many white persons, who lease from them 
lands and houses. Now the laws respecting landlords 
and tenants are such, that unless the tenant be punctual 
in the payment of his rents, it places great power in the 
hands of the landlord,-a power which should never 
be permitted to those who, by the laws and policy of 
our State, are considered a degraded and inferior class. 

6th. Your memorialists have viewed with deep 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME | 115 


regret the influx into Carolina of slaves from the middle 
states. [hese slaves are of the most worthless and 
abandoned characters, taken out of the jails and houses 
of correction; the greater portion are criminals, whose 
punishments are commuted into banishment. Yet this 
degraded and villainous body of negroes are continually 
pouring in upon us—mingling with our colored pop- 
ulation, and contaminating the minds of our most valua- 
ble domestics. Your memorialists therefore most ear- 
nestly entreat the Legislature to make the bringing of 
slaves into our state highly penal. 

7th. It is deemed requisite to prevent negroes from 
residing upon premises where no white persons reside. 
It is our policy to place the slaves under the inspection 
of their masters as much as possible, and every care 
should be taken to prevent their associating and league- 
ing together. 

8th. Your memorialists consider the laws now in 
force, so far as they relate to white persons concerned 
in insurrections of the slaves, extremely defective, as 
those laws only extend to white persons assisting the 
negroes in a state of actual insurrection—whereas it 
is equally criminal to incite the slaves to insurrection. 
Your memorialists therefore recommend that the laws 
now in force be so far amended as to subject to the 
punishment of death all white persons who shall be 
principals, advisers or abettors in any actual or pro- 
jected insurrection of the slaves. 

And we recommend that a law be passed, prohibiting 
under severe penalties, all persons from teaching 
negroes to read and write. 

With these observations and recommendations, it re- 
mains only to add the hopes of your memorialists, that 
on a subject of such deep and extensive concern, such 


116 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


measures may be adopted as are calculated to afford 
protection to our property and security for our lives. 

(b) Editorial from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), Dec. 23, 

1856. 

NEGRO INSURRECTIONS. We have refrained from 
giving our readers any of the accounts of contemplated 
negro insurrections that have been lately discovered in 
the South Western States, and even in Virginia and 
South Carolina. It is a delicate subject to touch, but 
it would be criminal to keep the public in ignorance 
of matters so vitally important. It is the right of every 
man to know when such a danger is at hand, and it is his 
duty to provide effectually against it. Better be a little 
too cautious than to suffer from overweening con- 
fidence. 

Patrols should sweep through every county in 
Georgia, between this and New Year, and all assem- 
blages of negroes be dispersed. The patrol system is 
an excellent one, and our friends in the country could 
see to it at once, that efficient bodies of men be dis- 
patched through their neighborhoods to look after 
suspicious characters. Our city police should keep a 
strict watch upon the movements of the negroes during 
the Xmas holidays, and particularly at night, provide 
against all assemblages of negroes. These precaution- 
ary steps are called for, by events that have lately 
transpired in neighboring and other Southern States, 
showing well concerted plans among the negroes in 
some localities, to rise in insurrection during Xmas. 

Forewarned is forearmed. 


(c) Editorial from the Southern Watchman (Athens, Ga.), Jan. 1, 
1857. 
NEGRO INSURRECTION. We believe our citizens have 
generally recovered from the “fright” into which some 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME Deg 


of them were thrown by the report that an attempt at 
insurrection was to be made by the negroes throughout 
the South during the Christmas holidays. We were 
not amongst those who apprehended any danger. First, 
because the great mass of the negroes are well treated 
and are so much “better off” than the whites, that they 
have no excuse for making such an attempt; and, 
secondly, because they in common with the whites, 
know that the present state of affairs is better for the 
interest of both races; and furthermore, that an attempt 
at insurrection would not only signally fail of its object, 
but result in the immediate massacre of every African 
concerned in it. A 
- While on this subject, it may not be improper to re- 
/ mark that negroes enjoy too much latitude here. We 
\ would not abridge one iota of their comforts, but most 
of them enjoy greater freedom than their masters. This 
\ is not only impolitic, but absolutely dangerous. Let 
the physical, moral and religious wants of “Sambo” be 
supplied—let him be treated with the greatest human- 
ity, but let him be made to remember that he is subject 
to a “higher law” than his own will. 

Some further legislation is needed on this subject. 
The residence of free negroes among slaves is incom- 
patible with the public safety. Let the next Legislature 
abate this nuisance; and, while their hand is in, let them 
pass more stringent laws in reference to negroes hiring 
their own time. 


Vw 


4. VIOLENCE TOWARD MASTERS AND OVERSEERS & 
(a) News item from the Bermuda Islands, printed in the Charleston 
(S.C.) Evening Gazette, July 12, 1785. 
) We learn from Providence that a negro 
belonging to Mr. Barron, having eloped, such a pursuit 


118 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


was made after him that he thought proper to return. 
It is the practice of runaway slaves in Providence to 
besmear themselves with grease, so that it is almost 
impossible for their pursuers to hold them; thus be- 
smeared, and armed with a large knife, Mr. Barron 
received information of the slave being in the negro 
quarters; as it was determined that he should be pun- 
ished, his master, Mr. Car and Mr. McKennon went 
into the quarters to secure him. ‘Two of the company 
went into the quarters, whilst Mr. Car guarded the 
door; the fellow being thus at bay, made a desperate 
effort to get away, but being seized by Mr. Car, he drew 
a concealed knife, and stabbed the unhappy gentleman 
to the heart so that he instantly died. Mr. McKinnon 
pursued him, and would have secured him but for the 
greasy condition of his skin; in struggling with him he 
received several gashes, some of them so well directed 
that if the knife had not been previously blunted in 
stabbing the other gentleman, he must inevitably have 
fallen; assistance providentially coming up, the fellow 
was secured, and brought to a summary trial, where he 
received sentence to suffer death. He was immediately 
led to execution, and had his hand struck off, which 
he bore with an indignant firmness, but his mutilated 
bleeding stump being immersed in boiling pitch, he 
appeared to feel the torments of the damned, he was 
now thrown into the hot pitch and then hanged. Hu- 
manity recoils and sickens at such a horrid scene, the 
crime was great; so was the punishment. 


(b) News item from the Georgia Gazette (Savannah), Dec. 7, 1774. 

From St. Andrew’s Parish we have the following 
melancholy account, viz. That on Tuesday morning 
the 29th ult. six new Negro fellows and four wenches, 
belonging to Capt. Morris, killed the Overseer in the 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME 119 


field, after which they went to the house, murdered 
his wife, and dangerously wounded a carpenter named 
Wright, also a boy who died next day; they then pro- 
ceeded to the house of Angus McIntosh, whom they 
likewise dangerously wounded; and being there joined 
by a sensible fellow, the property of said McIntosh, 
they went to the house of Roderick M’Leod, wounded 
him very much, and killed his son, who had fired upon 
them on their coming up and broke the arm of the 
fellow who had joined them. Their leader and McIn- 
tosh’s negro have been taken and burnt, and two of 
the wenches have returned to the plantation. 

(c) News item from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), May 

26, 1857. 

MURDER BY NEGROES. We learn from the Georgia 
Citizen, of the 19th inst.. that the overseer of the 
Dougherty plantation of Wm. S. Holt, Esq., of Bibb 
County, was brutally killed last week, by two or three 
of Mr. Holt’s negroes. It is stated that the overseer 
was about to chastise one of the negroes for misconduct, 
when he broke away and ran for an adjacent swamp. 
The overseer took two other negroes and started in 
pursuit, but it seems that the latter joined in the murder 
when they overtook the runaway. ‘The body of the 
overseer was buried with his gun in the swamp, and 
subsequently found with his bowels ripped open. The 
negroes have confessed to the murder. Mr. Holt has 
gone down to the plantation to investigate the matter, 
and will, doubtless, use his best efforts to bring the per- 
petrators of the diabolical deed to that punishment 
which their crime deserves. 


(d) News item from the New Orleans Bee, March 6, 1845. 


MURDER. The Shreveport (Caddo) Gazette of the 
26th. ult., says: A most shocking murder occurred in 


120 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


our parish on Monday last at the mill of Mr. Cutliff. 
The superintendent of the mill, a Mr. Scott, attempted 
_to chastise, as we have learned, a negro fellow belong- 
ing to Mr. Cutliff, when the negro seizing a frower 
knocked him down, and repeated his blows, until he was 
not only dead, but his skull completely shattered. The 
negro has been brought to this place, and safely lodged 
in jail to await his trial. Instances of this kind are be- 
coming quite frequent. It was only a few months since 
that a negro was hanged in Greenwood for attempting 
the life of his overseer; and but a few weeks or so since 
in the adjoining county of Harrison, Texas, a Mr. Wil- 
son met with the most distressing death by the hands 
of his own slaves. Now that our slave population is 
increasing so rapidly, we think it high time, and abso- 
lutely necessary for our safety, that our Police Jury 
should take warning from these frequent acts of tur- 
bulency, and establish an efficient patrol. 


5. POISONING 


News item from Raleigh, N.C., dated May 17, and printed in the 
Baton Rouge (La.) Republic, July 23, 1822. 


SHOCKING OCCURRENCE. Some negroes of the family 
of Gen. G. L. Davidson, Iredell county, in this state, 
unwilling to go to Alabama with the General and his 
family, who were about to remove there, took the des- 
perate resolution of destroying them by poison, and 
shocking to relate, effected their purpose on two of the 
General’s daughters (Mrs. Simonton and Mrs. Falls,) 
while their husbands were absent looking for suitable 
lands for settlement in a new state. 

The poison used, it is believed, was Hemlock, which 
was furnished by an old negro in the adjoining county 
of Cabbarus, and had been tried some months before 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME L2t 


the proper dose was given, to effect the horrid purpose. 
This has been since ascertained from the frequent sick- 
ness of the two ladies, which could not, at the time be 
accounted for. It is said a dose was ready for the 
General himself, the administering of which was pre- 
vented by the discovery of the horrid plot. Five negroes: 
concerned in this affair, are at present in confinement 


in Iredell jail. 
6. ARSON 


Editorial from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), March 20, 1855. 

PLANTATION FIRES. We hear of great loss to planters 
in Georgia and South Carolina from the fires of March 
gth. In this county much damage was done to fenceing 
and wood lands and some injury to growing crops. In 
Hancock it will be seen from an article elsewhere in 
our columns, that much damage was occasioned. We 
hear of similar reports from Clarke and Washington 
Counties. In the latter county, Mr. Green B. Cum- 
mings was burned out of house and home, haveing noth- 
ing left on his premises but the well curb. And many 
persons were seriously injured by their great efforts to 
stay the devouring element. 


7. RAPE 


(a) News item from the New Orleans Bee, Sept. 27, 1842. 

HORRIBLE OUTRAGE. One of the most atrocious out- 
rages we have ever heard of was committed a few weeks 
since in the parish of Rapides, by a negro on the person 
of a young orphan girl, 14 years old. She was seized 
by the miscreant while paying a visit to one of her re- 
lations, dragged into the woods, beaten most unmerci- 
fully, and then treated—in the most infamous manner. 
The poor creature was picked up, some time after, in a 
state of insensibility, but recovered sufficiently to relate 


122 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


the above facts. She died the next day after horrible 
suffering. 
The murderer has been apprehended. 


(b) Advertisement from the Elkton (Md.) Press, July 19, 1828. 

ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. Ran away from 
the subscriber, living near Cantwell’s Bridge, New- 
castle county, state of Delaware. Negro George An- 
derson, about 21 or 22 years of age, middle size, rather 
stout built, large eyes, shows the white of them a good 
deal, large under lip and mouth, and rather light col- 
ored for a negro—has been accustomed to the care of 
horses, and driving a carriage, he is also a good farm 
hand—wears his hair generally combed up on the top 
of his head and platted—speaks slow—had on a pair 
of good white corderoy pantaloons, blue domestic stripe 
roundabout, fur hat, muslin shirt with George in dur- 
able ink written on it, and laced boots. A few days 
before he absconded he attempted to commit a rape 
upon a young female of his own color, the punishment 
for which has caused his running off. One hundred 
dollars reward will be paid upon delivering him to the 
subscriber, or lodging him in jail, so that he may be 
recovered. He has probably gone to Pennsylvania, hav- 
ing been several times in Philadelphia. Jos. B. SIMS. 


8. PETITION FOR A SLAVE’S PARDON 


Letter of William Ramsay, June 20, 1792, to the Governor of Virginia, 
printed in Calendar of Virginia State Papers, vol. v, 600. 

The indifference of the master here indicated was an effect of the 
law compensating masters for the loss of slaves when put to death 
by legal process. 


Sir: A young Negro, a valuable Tradesman in this 
Town, is condemned to die on the 1oth of next month. 
His master employed no Attorney, and it is the general 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME 122 


opinion he has a much greater regard for the high 
value set upon his Negro than for Life. From our long 
friendship, I petition you to pardon him. Grant my 
request and highly oblige, Your sincere friend. 


9. RECORDS OF SLAVE TRIALS 


Abstract of the court record of the trials of slaves for felonies in 
Baldwin County, Ga., from 1812 to 1832, printed in the American 
Historical Association Report for 190}, vol. i, 462-464. 


November 12, 1812: The State v. Major, a slave, 
the property of John Neeves, on the charge of rape. 
Verdict of guilty. Sentence of hanging. 

January 11, 1815: The State v. Fannie Micklejohn, 
a slave, the property of the heirs of William Mickle- 
john. Charged with murdering an infant. Verdict- 
of not guilty. 

April 18, 1815: The State v. Tom, a slave, the prop- 
erty of Joseph Andrews. Charged with murdering a 
slave and adjudged guilty. Sentenced to be branded 
on each cheek with the letter M, to have 39 lashes laid 
on his bare back forthwith in the market place and be 
remanded to jail, to receive 39 lashes on April 19 and 
be remanded to jail until April 20; then to receive 39 
lashes more and be discharged. 

November 21, 1816: The State v. John, a slave, the 
property of William McGehee, charged with stealing 
a $100 bill. Verdict of guilty. Sentenced to receive 
39 lashes on the bare back three days in succession. 

July 31, 1818: The State v. Aleck, a slave, the prop- 
erty of James Thomas, charged with assault with intent 
to murder. The prisoner pleaded guilty, and was sen- 
tenced to receive 50 lashes well laid on the bare back 
with a cow-skin whip three days in succession. 

February 17, 1819: The State v. Rodney, a slave, 


124 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


the property of Maj. John A. Jones, charged with arson. 
The prisoner was found guilty and sentenced to be 
hanged. 

April 28, 1821: The State v. Peter, a slave, the prop- 
erty of Eden Taylor, charged with the murder of a 
slave. Was found guilty of manslaughter and sentenced 
to be branded on the right cheek with the letter M, 
and to receive 39 lashes on three successive days. 

October 22, 1821: The State v. Edmund, a slave, the 
property of Ann Carlton, charged with involuntary 
manslaughter. It appearing that the prisoner had been 
charged with no crime of which the court had cogniz- 
ance, it was ordered that he be forthwith discharged. 

January 19, 1822: The State v. Davis, or Dave, a 
slave, the property of William Johns, charged with as- 
sault with intent to kill a white person. Verdict of 
guilty. Sentence not recorded. 

No date: The State v. John, a slave, the property of 
William Robertson, charged with burglary. Found 
guilty but recommended to mercy. Sentenced to be 
branded on the right cheek with the letter T, and to be 
given 39 lashes on three successive days. 

On the same day this same slave, John, was sentenced 
to be hanged for assaulting a white man with intent 
to kill. 

December 5, 1825: The State v. George, a slave, the 
property of John D. Ponder, charged with burglary. 
The offense charged was the breaking into the house of 
a white man, John Dumer, of Milledgeville, and steal- 
ing goods to the value of $150. Verdict of guilty with 
recommendation to mercy. Sentence of hanging. 

December 5, 1825: The State v. Stephen, a slave, the 
property of Israel T. Jordan, charged with assault with 
intent to kill a free white man. Found guilty and 
sentenced to hanging. 


SLAVE CONSPIRACIES AND CRIME 125 


March 15, 1826: The State v. Elleck, a slave, the 
property of Andrew Elliott, charged with assault with 
intent to commit murder and rape. Verdict, guilty of 
assault with intent to kill. Sentence, hanging. 

July 12, 1828: The State v. George, a slave, the prop- 
erty of Mrs. Elizabeth Smith, charged with larceny 
from the house. Verdict of not guilty. 

July 8, 1829: The State v. Caroline, a slave, the 
property of Robert B. Washington, charged with maim- 
ing a free white person. Verdict of not guilty. 

May 21, 1832: The State v. Martin, a slave, the 
property of Farish Carter, charged with assault with 
intent to murder. The prisoner pleaded guilty, and 
was sentenced to 39 lashes on three successive days. 


XIII. NEGRO QUALITIES 


1. NEGRO NATIONALITIES AND CHARACTERISTICS 


Extract from Practical Rules for the Management and Medical Treat- 
ment of Negro Slaves in the Sugar Colonies, by a Professional Plant- 
er (London, 1803), part 1, chap. i. 


The African negroes, being brought from an ex- 
tensive range of continent, occupying many degrees of 
latitude, diversified by soils of unequal fecundity, and 
influenced by moral and physical systems, possesses 
great varieties of character; some being addicted to ag- 
riculture, some to war, some to the chace; and every 
other active exertion, whilst others, more supine, content 
themselves with the spontaneous productions of nature, 
and pass languid and monotonous lives; equally averse 
from, and incapable of, toil, and indulging only in those 
propensities to which nature incites the animal. 

The value, therefore, of each of these tribes for the 
purposes of slavery, must be deduced from the natural 
habit, though it is frequently difficult to ascertain from 
what country they have been drawn; neither their lan- 
guages, nor their cicatrices, affording certain indica- 
tions in that respect, as both are acquired by aliens, 
whether prisoners of war, or the slaves of rapine. 

The inhabitants of the gold coast being habituated 
from infancy to war, the necessary movements of which 
give flexibility to the muscles, and energy to the mind, 
are by far the most hardy and robust; yet bringing with 
them into slavery lofty ideas of independence, they are 
dangerous inmates on a West India plantation, when 


128 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


implicit subjection must necessarily be exacted. ‘The 
history of Jamaica exhibits very sanguinary examples 
of that disposition, whereby that island was long kept 
in a state of alarm and effervescence and was not, ulti- 
mately, composed but with extreme difficulty and af- 
flicting sacrifices. 

In the Windward Islands, though the inhabitants are 
fully apprised of the superior aptitude of this class of 
slaves for field labor, they have, until lately, been averse 
from giving them admittance into their plantations, 
from an apprehension of their mischievous spirit. The 
planters of Tobago, indeed, either in ignorance of that 
danger, or from an anxiety, at the commencement of 
their settlements, to possess themselves of such hardy 
adults as were most capable of immediate service, pur- 
chased largely of the Coromantins or Phantees; in con- 
sequence of which they had soon reason to repent of 
their imprudence by insurrections, which greatly re- 
tarded the progress of that infant colony, and occasioned 
a considerable effusion of blood. 

For this reason, therefore, and to guard against a re- 
turn of such fatal disturbances, the colonial legislatures 
have entrenched themselves within a system of criminal 
jurisprudence, which has sometimes been enforced with 
such circumstances of vigour as have not failed to give 
great scandal to those who could not be duly sensible of 
the extent of the necessity. Where slavery is established 
and the proportion of slaves outnumbers their masters 
ten to one, terror must operate to keep them in subjec- 
tion, and terror can only be produced by occasional ex- 
amples of severity. It is however to be hoped from the 
reform lately adopted with respect to the treatment of 
slaves that, with a combination of vigilance and human- 
ity, such severities will, in future, become unnecessary. 


NEGRO QUALITIES 129 


The negroes from Senegal are a handsome race of 
people, in features resembling the whites, and with 
bodies tall and well limbed. Many of them converse in 
the Arabic language, and some are sufficiently in- 
structed even towriteit. ‘They are excellent for the 
care of cattle and horses, and for domestic service; 
though little qualified for the ruder labours of the field, 
to which they never ought to be applied. 

The same may be said of the Congos, a handsome 
race of Africans, generally very black, well-limbed, and 
without disfiguring marks. They captivate the eye by 
their appearance, and the ear by their humour; though 
totally unfit for laborious occupations, they make good 
domestic servants and tradesmen, and should never be 
purchased with any other view. 

The Mandingoes also, though much less ferocious 
than the Minna and Gold-coast negroes, are rendered 
incapable of laborious exertions, by the productiveness 
of the soil; which supersedes the necessity of culture. 
Being reared in the habits of indolence, they have 
netveless frames, which easily sink under fatigue and 
are very subject to indisposition. But, though unfit for 
labours of the field, they may be employed as watch- 
men, or in the seniors or boiling house. 

The Ebbos, and the Ebbo-bees, commonly called 
Mocos, who constitute the greater part of the cargoes 
Pried from the coast of Africa to the British-islands, 
are turbulent, stubborn, and much addicted to suicide; 
yet they are hardy and susceptible of labour, the wo- 
men in particular, who are superior to any other, and 
very little inferior to the men. \ If well treated during 
their seasoning, and not urged with undue rigour, they 
frequently turn out good slaves. The same may be said 
of all the other parts from which the negroes are 


130 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


brought, as good subjects are frequently found in car- 
goes of the worst reputation, and bad ones in those of 
the best. The country, therefore, forms only a pre- 
sumptive evidence of quality, which may mislead, but is 
generally found so well supported by experience, as to 
occasion a variation of the prices of cargoes, of from 
eight to ten pounds a head. 

The kingdom of Gaboon is to be excepted from that 
tule; for, from thence, a good negro was scarcely ever 
brought. They are purchased so cheaply on the coast 
as to tempt many captains to freight with them; but 
they generally die, either on the passage, or soon after 
their arrival in the islands. The debility of their con- 
stitutions is astonishing to those who have considered 
the analogies of the human frame, which are diversified 
only by sensible local causes ; but the Gaboons are anom- 
alies in nature; and itis to be lamented that any of 
them should be brought from Africa, as they may be 
looked upon as victims of the first purpose of commerce, 
without contributing in the least to its ulterior stages by 
their labours in agriculture. Indeed, the objection to 
them is so strong, that they are seldom bought, but by 
persons ignorant of their defects, or by those who have 
been deceived by a false declaration of their country. 
The gentlemen who have attached themselves to the 
abolition of the slave trade, would do well to commence 
their reform by obtaining a law for the suppression of 
this part of the traffic, which would injure nobody. 

The best negroes that we know are the Whidaws and 
Papaws. The Aradas, and other tribes, from the king- 
dom of Judda, are said to be still better; but their im- 
portation is not very great anywhere; and what few 
there are, pass to the French, and they, indeed, speak 
very highly of their qualities. 


NEGRO QUALITIES 131 


The Whidaws and Papaws are better known to us, 
though before the late war, very few even of them were 
brought to the English Islands. From what we now 
know of them, we are enabled to say that they cannot be 
too highly appreciated. 

Besides the negroes above particularized, there are 
of various other nations drawn from the interior of that 
extensive continent, with names unknown to geograph- 
ers, who are to be met with in almost every cargo that 
comes from the coast. They generally pass as of the 
country nearest to the port at which they were em- 
barked; and frequently, from their residence there, ac- 
quire both the language and the distinguishing marks. 
They, therefore, who are desirous of having negroes of 
a particular country, should carry with them into the 
Guinea-Yards a sensible negro of that country, who, by 
interrogating them in their own language, may be able 
to determine whether they are really what they appear 
to be; and pains should be taken to discover whether 
they have any personal defects which impair their val- 
ue, if they do not render them entirely unfit for your 
purpose. The yaws and ruptures are known by inspec- 
tion and other complaints, which are less manifest, such 
as fits and insanity, may be learned, by inquiring of 
their shipmates. 

I cannot undertake to say, from a variety of consider- 
ations affecting the negroes themselves who are pro- 
duced for sale at the African markets, whether it would 
be proper to oblige the European traders to confine 
their purchases to subjects of a certain age; because 
there is evidence to support the suspicion, that if any of 
them were to be rejected, and to be left on the hands of 
the black dealers, they would be disposed of in a man- 
ner more shocking to humanity, than by bringing them 


132 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


to the sugar colonies, where they have, at least, a chance 
for life, and of as much happiness as they enjoyed in 
their own country. With respect to the interest of the 
colonies, it would certainly be better to admit none 
above the age of five and twenty, for reasons sufficiently 
obvious. 

Of the great number of more advanced adults, some 
of whom are superannuated and hoary with age, that 
are now imported into the islands, not one half survive 
the fourth year of their transportation; and even those 
who do survive, are soon broken down by the change of 
climate, and food, and unaccustomed exertion. When 
they arrive from the coast, they are literally fattened for 
the market; and being exhibited for sale with all the 
embellishments that the toilet of an African ship can 
supply, they easily captivate some inexperienced plant- 
er, who, either misjudging their age, or whose necessi- 
ties being urgent, lead him to make choice of robust peo- 
ple, without considering that they are at their acme, and 
will soon be on the decline—a short experience opens his 
eyes to his mistake; for their strength is very soon ex- 
hausted; it disappears with their fat, and, in a few 
months, if they live so long, they vary so much from 
their former appearance, by the reproduction of their 
beards, and their emaciated bodies, that they are scarce- 
ly to be known again. They are perverse and indolent, 
and rarely acquire so much of the language as to be in- 
telligible. They are attacked with chigoes, and har- 
rassed with ulcers, from which they are scarcely recoy- 
ered, and, in some measures, initiated into the habits of 
their new life, when old age comes upon them, and they 
sink into decrepitude without having well known ma- 
turity; in which condition, the service they are capable 
of rendering to an estate, is very inconsiderable indeed. 


NEGRO QUALITIES 133 


The consumption of slaves of this description, is so 
great, as to account for a large part of the immense 
drafts made annually from the coast of Africa; there- 
fore, if their importation could be prohibited, without 
endangering the consequences above alluded to, it cer- 
tainly ought; for, beyond five and twenty is too late in 
every point of view, for a negro to quit his old habits 
and connexions, and to commence an apprenticeship to 
labour. 

From fifteen to twenty-five is an age fit for immediate 
service, and affords scope for duration; therefore, these 
are the negroes that ought to be preferred for new set- 
tlements; for much will be expected from them, and 
they are enabled to do much; but if, in the course of 
their labour, they contract complaints, and fall off, yet, 
by repose and proper treatment, they soon recover. 

But the planter whose occasions are not very pressing, 
and who wishes only to secure recruits for the service of 
a future day, will find it for his interest to buy only 
small boys and girls in equal numbers. They can scarce- 
ly be too small; for, though they are incapable of doing 
much work, they will do enough to pay for their main- 
tenance, and they are, comparatively, in little danger of 
dying; for their juvenile minds entertain no regrets for 
the loss of their connexions. They acquire the English 
language with great ease, and improve daily in size, un- 
derstanding, and capacity for labour, so as to afford a 
good prospect of their lasting, not only your time, but 
long after, to render much service to those who are to 
succeed you. 


2. OBSERVATIONS BY AN ENGLISHMAN IN JAMAICA 


Extracts from M. G. Lewis’s Journal of a West India Proprietor (London, 
1834), passim. Observations in January and March, 1815. 


Jan. 6, [1815]. This was the day given to my negroes 


134 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


as a festival on my arrival. A couple of heifers were 
slaughtered for them: they were allowed as much rum, 
and sugar, and noise, and dancing as they chose; and as 
to the two latter, certainly they profited by the permis- 
sion. About two o’clock they began to assemble round 
the house, all drest in their holiday clothes, which, both 
for men and women, were chiefly white; only that the 
women were decked out with a profusion of beads and 
corals, and gold ornaments of all descriptions; and that 
while the blacks wore jackets, the mulattoes generally 
wore cloth coats; and inasmuch as they were all plain- 
ly clean instead of being shabbily fashionable, and af- 
fected to be nothing except that which they really were, 
they looked twenty times more like gentlemen than nine 
tenths of the bankers’ clerks who swagger up and down 
Bond Street. It is a custom as to the mulatto children, 
that the males born on an estate should never be em- 
ployed as field negroes, but as tradesmen: the females 
are brought up as domestics about the house. . 

Nor can the separation of castes in India be more rig- 
idly observed, than that of complexional shades among 
the Creoles. My black page, Cubina, is married: I told 
him that I hoped he had married a pretty woman; why 
had he not married Mary Wiggins? He seemed quite 
shocked at the very idea. ‘‘Oh, massa, me black, Mary 
Wiggins sambo; that not allowed. . .” 

Jan. 13. As far as I can as yet judge, if I were now 
standing on the banks of Virgil’s Lethe, with a goblet of 
waters of oblivion in my hand, and asked whether I 
chose to enter life anew as an English labourer or a Ja- 
maica negro, I should have no hesitation in preferring 
the latter. For myself, it appears to me almost worth 
surrendering the luxuries and pleasures of Great Brit- 
ain, for the single pleasure of being surrounded with 


> 


NEGRO QUALITIES 136 


beings who are always laughing and singing, and who 
seem to perform their work with so much nonchalance, 
taking up their baskets as if it were perfectly optional 
whether they took them up or left them there; saunter- 
ing along with their hands dangling; stopping to chat 
with every one they meet; or if they meet no one, stand- 
ing still to look round, and examine whether there is 
nothing to be seen that can amuse them, so that I can 
hardly persuade myself that it is really work that they 
are about. The negro might well say, on his arrival in 
England—“ Massa, in England, every thing work.” for 
here nobody appears to work at all. 

I am told that there is one part of their business very 
laborious, the digging holes for receiving the cane- 
plants, and which I have not as yet seen; but this does 
not occupy above a month (I believe) at the utmost, at 
two periods of the year; and on my estate this service is 
chiefly performed by extra negroes, hired for the pur- 
pose; which, although equally hard on the hired ne- 
groes (called a jobbing gang) at least relieves my own, 
and after all, puts even the former on much the same 
footing with English day-labourers. . . 

Jan. 21. The hospital has been crowded, since my ar- 
rival, with patients who have nothing the matter with 
am. On Wednesday there were about thirty invalids, 
of whom only four were cases at all serious; the rest fee 
“a lilly pain here, Massa,” or “a bad pain me know no- 
where, Massa,” and evidently came to the hospital in 
order to sit idle and chat away the time with their 
friends. Four of them the doctor ordered into the field 
peremptorily; the next day there came into the sick- 
house six others; upon this I resolved to try my own 
hand at curing them; and I directed the head-driver to 
announce, that the presents which I had brought from 


136 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


England should be distributed to-day, that the new- 
born children should be christened, and that the ne- 
groes might take possession of my house and amuse 
themselves till twelve at night. The effect of my pre- 
scription was magical; two thirds of the sick were hale 
and hearty, at work in the field on Saturday morning, 
and to-day not a soul remained in the hospital except 
the four serious cases. 

Jan. 22. On the other hand, there are some choice 
ungrateful scoundrels among the negroes: On the night 
of their first dance, a couple of sheep disappeared from 
the pen, although they could not have been taken from 
want of food, as on that very morning there had been an 
ample distribution of fresh beef; and last night another 
sheep and a quantity of poultry followed them. Yes- 
terday, too, a young rascal of a boy called “‘ Massa Jack- 
ey,” who is in the frequent habit of running away for 
months at a time, and whom [I had distinguished from 
the cleverness of his countenance and buffoonery of his 
manners, came to beg my permission to go and purchase 
food with some money I had just given him, “because 
he was almost starving; his parents were dead, he had 
no provision grounds, no allowance, and nobody ever 
gave him anything.” Upon this I sent Cubina with the 
boy to the store-keeper, when it appeared that he had al- 
ways received a regular allowance of provisions twice a 
week, which he generally sold, as well as his clothes, at 
the Bay, for spirits; had received an additional portion 
only last Friday; and, into the bargain, during the 
whole of that week, had been fed from the house. What 
he could propose to himself by telling a lie which must 
be so soon detected, I cannot conceive; but I am assured, 
that unless a negro has an interest in telling the truth, 
he always lies—in order to keep his tongue in practice... 


NEGRO QUALITIES 137 


Jan. 30. It appears to me that nothing could afford 
so much relief to the negroes, under the existing system 
of Jamaica, as the substituting the labour of animals for 
that of slaves in agriculture, where-ever such a measure 
is practicable. On leaving the island, I impressed this 
wish of mine upon the mind of my agents with all my 
power; but the only result has been the creating a very 
considerable expense in the purchase of ploughs, oxen, 
and farming implements; the awkwardness, and still 
more the obstinacy of the few negroes, whose services 
were indispensable, was not to be overcome: they broke 
plough after plough, and ruined beast after beast, till 
the attempt was abandoned in despair. However, it was 
made without the most essential ingredient for success, 
the superintendence of an English ploughman; and 
such of the ploughs as were of cast-iron, could not be 
repaired when once broken, and therefore ought not to 
have been adopted; but I am told, that in several other 
parts of the island the plough has been introduced, and 
completely successful. 

March 4. Since my arrival in Jamaica, I am not 
conscious of having omitted any means of satisfying my 
negroes, and rendering them happy and secure from op- 
pression. I have suffered no person to be punished, ex- 
cept the two female demons who almost bit a girl’s 
hands off (for which they received a slight switching) 
and the most worthless rascal on the estate, whom for 
manifold offences I was compelled, for the sake of dis- 
cipline, to allow to pass two days in the bilboes. I have 
never refused a favor that I could possibly grant. I have 
listened patiently to all complaints. I have increased the 
number of negro holidays, and have given away money 
and presents of all kinds incessantly. Now for my re- 
ward. On Saturday morning there were no fewer than 


138 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


forty-five persons (not including children) in the hospi- 
tal; which makes nearly a fifth of my whole gang. Of 
these, the medical people assured me that not above 
seven had any thing whatever the matter with them; the 
rest were only feigning sickness out of mere idleness, 
and in order to sit doing nothing, while their compan- 
ions were forced to perform their part of the estate- 
duty. And, sure enough, on Sunday morning they all 
walked away from the hospital to amuse themselves, ex- 
cept about seven or eight: they will perhaps, go to the 
field for a couple of days; and on Wednesday we may 
expect to have them back again, complaining of pains, 
which (not existing) it is not possible to remove. Jenny, 
(the girl whose hands were bitten) was told by the 
doctoress, that having been in the hospital all the week, 
she ought not, for very shame, go out on Sunday. She 
answered, “She wanted to go to the mountains, and go 
she would.” “Then,” said the doctoress, “‘you must not 
come back on Monday at least.” “Yes,” said Jenny, “‘she 
should come back,” and back this morning Jenny came. 
But as her wounds were almost completely well, she had 
tied packthread round them so as to cut deep into the 
flesh, had rubbed dirt into them, and, in short, had 
played such tricks as nearly to produce a mortification 
in one of her fingers. . . To sum up the whole, about 
three this morning an alarm was given that the pen- 
keeper had suffered the cattle to get among the canes, 
where they might do infinite mischief; the trustee was 
roused out of his bed; the drivers blew their shells to 
summon the negroes to their assistance; when it ap- 
peared that there was not a single watchman at his post; 
the watch-fires had all been suffered to expire, not a sin- 
gle domestic was to be found, nor a horse to be pro- 
cured; even the little servant boys, whom the trustee had 


NEGRO QUALITIES 139 


locked up in his own house, and had left fast asleep 
when he went to bed, had got up again, and made their 
escape to pass the night in play and rioting; and al- 
though they were perfectly aware of the detriment 
which the cattle were doing to my interests, not a negro 
could be prevailed upon to rouse himself and help to 
drive them out, till at length Cubina (who had run 
down from his house to mine on the first alarm) with 
difficulty collected about half a dozen to assist him: but 
long before this, one of my best cane pieces was tram- 
pled to pieces, and the produce of this year’s crop con- 
siderably diminished.And so much for negro grati- 
tude. However, they still continue their eternal song 
of ““Now massa come, we very well off,” but their satis- 
faction evidently begins and end with themselves. They 
rejoice sincerely at being very well off, but think it un- 
necessary to make the slightest return to massa for mak- 
ing them so. 

March 25. ‘The negroes certainly are perverse be- 
ings. They had been praying for a sight of their master 
year after year; they were in raptures at my arrival; I 
have suffered no one to be punished, and shown them 
every possible indulgence during my residence among 
them; and one and all they declare themselves perfectly 
happy and well treated. Yet, previous to my arrival, 
they made thirty-three hogsheads a week; in a fortnight 
after my landing their product dwindled to twenty- 
three; during this last week they have managed to make 
but thirteen. Still they are not ungrateful; they are only 
selfish : they love me very well, but they love themselves 
a great deal better; and, to do them justice, I verily be- 
lieve that every negro on the estate is extremely anxious 
that all should do their full duty, except himself. My 
censure, although accompanied with the certainty of 


140 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


their not being punished, is by no means a matter of 
indifference. If I express myself to be displeased, the 
whole property is in an uproar; everybody is finding 
fault with everybody; nobody that does not represent 
the shame of neglecting my work, and the ingratitude 
of vexing me by their ill-conduct; and then each indi- 
vidual having said so much, and said it so strongly, that 
he is convinced of its having its full effect in making the 
others do their duty—thinks himself quite safe and snug 
in skulking away from his own. 


3. COTTON BELT NEGROES MORE INTELLIGENT 
THAN THOSE ON THE COAST 


Lyell, Charles. Second Visit to the United States (New York, 1829), 
vol. ii, r9. 


I had many opportunities, during this excursion of 
satisfying my self of the fact for which I had been pre- 
pared by the planters on the sea-board, that the intelli- 
gence of the colored race increased in the interior and 
upland country in proportion as they have more inter- 
course with the whites. This personage’, conscious of 
his importance, would begin by enlarging with much 
self-complacency on the ignorance of his master, who 
had been in those parts too short a time to understand 
anything I wished to know. When at length he conde- 
scended to come to the point, he could usually give me a 
clear account of the layers of sand, clay and limestone 
they had passed through. . . In proportion as these 
colored people fill places of trust, they are involuntari- 
ly treated more as equals by the whites. 


*In some places, when plantations had changed hands several times in a few years, the 
estate had remained under the management of some head negro, who was the only one who 
could answer Lyell’s questions upon geology, etc. — Ep. 


XIV. FREE PERSONS OF COLOR 


1. CERTIFICATES OF FREEDOM 


(a) Certificate and testimonial of Moses Handlen’s status and charac- 
ter. MS. record copy in Georgia Archives, Department of State, 
Atlanta, Ga., Deed Book (1780-1781), 236. 


This is to satisfy to whom it may concern That this 
Black Man, Mr. Moses Handlen is Free Man leaft by 
his Master Mr. Champernown Handlen, deceased in 
the year of our Lord 1760. This very black Moses 
Handlen is a very onnis Black Man. I knowed him 
from a Boy. Witness my hand. GEORGE SMITH. 
Witnessed of we three Persons on the 24th January 1761 
in South Carolina. HENRY FUTHY, WILLIAM 

DAVIDSON, GEORGE DAY JUNER. 

Examined the foregoing and found the same an Exact 
Copy of the original. Secy’s Off. 13th June 1781. 

Geko. D’ERBAGE, Dep. Sec. 

(b) An African tourist is granted the freedom of the province of 

Georgia. MS. copy in Georgia Archives, Deed Book (1772-1775), 
14, 15. 
[ Province of] Georgia. 

By his Honor James Habersham Esq’ President and 
Commander in Chief of His Majesty’s said Province 
Chancelor vice admiral and ordinary of the same: 

Whereas it appears to me by the affidavit of Stephen 
Deaux Commander of the Snow New Brittania now 
lying at the port of Charlestown in South Carolina 
taken the 22d day of this Inst July on Oath Before the 
Hon” Noble Jones Senior assistant Justice of his Ma- 


142 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


jesty[’s] General Court of the said Province and of Rec- 
ord in the Secretarys office in the said province that 
Fenda Lawrence a free Black Woman and heretofore a 
Considerable trader in the River Gambia on the 
Co [a] st of Africa hath voluntarily come to be and Re- 
main for sometime in this province, and at the request of 
the said Stephen Deaux-these are therefore to certify 
and make Known to all to whom it may concern that 
the said Fenda Lawrence is a free woman and is there- 
fore intitled to ever[y] Priviledge which by Law she 
aught to have in this province, and I do hereby permit 
the said Fenda Lawrence to pass and Repass unmolested 
within the said Province on her Lawfull and necessary 
occations she Conforming to the Laws thereof. 

Given under my Hand and Seal at Savannah in the 
Province aforesaid the 24th Day of July in the year of 
our Lord 1772 and in the twelfth year of his Majestys 


Reign. JAMES HABERSHAM. 
Secretarys office By his Honors Command. 


Recorded 24th July 1772 THos. MoopiE D Sec”. 
2. PRIVATE EMANCIPATION 


(a) Advertisement from the Baton Rouge (La.) Gazette, Nov. 11, 1826. 

PuBLIc Notice. The Heirs of Isaac Le Blanc, inhab- 
itant of the parish of Iberville, having intention to 
emancipate their slave, a negro man named Jacob, up- 
wards of thirty years of age, every person, who may 
have any legal opposition to the said emancipation, are 
required to file the said opposition, in the office of the 
Parish Judge of the said parish, within forty days from 
the date of the present notice. D.B. Dupuy, Sheriff. 
Iberville, 8th. November, 1826. 


FREE PERSONS OF COLOR 143 


(b) News item from the New Orleans (La.) Commercial Times, July 
Io, 1846. 


MANUMITTED SLAVES. Three hundred and eighty- 
five manumitted slaves, freed by the will of the late 
John Randolph, of Roanoke, passed through Cincin- 
nati, on the Ist. instance, on their way to Mercer county, 
Ohio, where a large tract of land is provided for their 
future homes. The Times, of that city, understands 
that the law of that State, known as the Black Law, re- 
quiring every colored person coming into the country 
to give security not to become a public charge, will be 
rigidly put in force, in this instance. Judging from the 
proceedings of a late public meeting in Mercer county, 
we imagine this to be true. 


3. THE GAINFUL OCCUPATIONS OF FREE PERSONS 
OF COLOR 


Official register of free. persons of color in Richmond County, Ga., 
1819, printed in the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, March 13, 1819. 

Georgia, Richmond County, Clerk’s Office Inferior 
Court, 2nd March, 18109. 

I certify that the following is a correct list of the 
names of persons of color registered in this office, in 
conformity to the act of the 19th December, 1818 sup- 
plementary to, and more effectually to enforce an act 
prescribing the mode of manumitting slaves in this state, 
etc. and all persons concerned or interested will take 
notice that certificates will issue to them on or before 
the first Monday in May next, if objections are not filed 
thereto, on or before the second Monday in April next, 
viz. 


NaMEs AGE PLAce oF ResipENce How Lone OccuraTION 
Nativity in Geo. 
Jack Harris 52 Maryland Augusta 40 Boating 
Rachel Harris . 12 Savannah 12 house servt 
Harry Todd 53 Va. 35 Carpenter 


Peggy Todd 40 17 Sew’g and Wash’g 


144 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


NaMeEs Ace Prsaceor Resipence HowLonc Occupation 
Nativity In GEo. 

Maria Todd 12 Savh 12 house servt 
Sarah Todd 10 Augusta Io House servt 
Hanna Todd 8 8 *s 
Susannah Todd 5 5 
Matthew Todd z 2 
Delia Todd 2 mos 2 mos 
Jenny Magnan 30 St. Domingo 24, house serv 
Stephen Frost 58 Baltimore 30 boat corker 
William Hill 42 Virginia 26 barber 
Patsy Hill 39 Geo 39 sewing 
Caesr Kennedy 43 43 boating 
Hannah Kennedy 40 40 sewing 
Jaria Kennedy 21 21 
John Kennedy 18 18 sadler 
Mary Ann Kennedy 15 15 sewing 
William Kennedy 11 II 
Caesar Kenedy 9 9 
Rosella Kennedy 5 5 
Thomas Kennedy 3 3 
Dickey Evans 30 30 pilot steam boat 
Lindey Kennedy 25 Africa II house servant 
John Coleman 35 Virginia Augusta 6 Carpenter 
Molly Coleman 30 Augusta 30 Sewing 
Mason Harris 50 Georgia 50 rafting 
Nelly Harris 58 Africa 40 washing 
Chas. Grant 5° N. Car 20 Carpenter 
Peter Johnson 46 Savh 46 
Sally Johnson 16 Augusta 16 Sewing 
John Johnson 14 14 carpenter 
Caty Johnson 7 7 
Peter Johnson Jr. 9 9 
Betty Johnson II II 
Nancy Johnson 3 3 
Nancy Johnson 43 S. Car washing 
Nancy Fox 55 Augusta 55 washing 
Junus Kelley 20 20 sawing 
Betsy Kelley 22 22 washing 
George Kelley 19 19 carpenter 
Alfred Kelley 3 Mos 3, Mos 
Sam Kelley 5 
Richard Kelley 7O S. Car 25 common laborer 
Josiah Kelley I Georgia I 
Venice Mabre 55b Guinea 30 washing 
Vienna Kelley 22 Augusta 22 sewing 
Henry Kelly 2 
Sally Langley 35 Maryland 22 washing 
Isabell Wilson 20 Georgia 20 sewing 
Sarah Carnes 35 N. Car 8 sewing 
Jack Carns 22 S. Car 15 boating 
Joe Carns 20 15 
Vienna Carns 15 14 sewing 
Lucy Carns 20 15 sewing 
Thomas Carter 26 Maryland 14 carpenter 
Sarah Richards 30 S. Car 20 sewing 
Junus Course 30 Augusta 30 
Juda Kelley 35 S. Car 25 washing 
William Kelly 13 Augusta 13 carpenter 
Madison Kelly 10 10 


Names 


Augustus Kelley 
Ann Kelly 

Emily Kelly 
Nancy Kelly 
Ann Kelly 
Nanny Harris 
Venice Kelly 
Amy Dobbins 
Sylvester Dobbins 
Edin. Dobbins 
Sarah Fitch 
Sikey Fitch 
Matilda Fitch 
Andrew Fitch 
Deanna Caroline 
Marticia Caroline 
Alick Pope 
Jenny Keating 
Polly Keating 
Betsy Keating 
Martha Keating 
Thomas Keating 
Augustus Keating 
David Knight 
Milly Sibbald 
Eliza Estaerlin 
Babet Aesterlin 
Adella “ 
Mariah Monroe 
Edy Sheitall 
Charlotte Tubman 
Sarah Walton 
Chloe Walter 
Martha Walton 
Betsey Magnan 
James Triplet 
Mary Ann “ 
Richard Triplet 
James Ts 
Sambo Campbell 
Thomas Kelly 
Mary Jenne Cloe 
Jenny Ross 
Thomas Bradley 
Amelia Brown 
Elenor Knight 
Benj. Knight 
Peggy Haynes 
Bod Martin 
Nelly Kelly 

John Kelly 

Jane Scott 
Elenor Harris 
Robert Kelly 

G. M. Scott 
James Larry 
Katey Larry 
Eliza Larry 


AGE 


mos 


FREE PERSONS OF COLOR 145 
Prace or Resipence HowLonc Occupation 
Nativity In GEo. 

7 
5 
2 
S. Car 30 Washing 
Rich’d county 25 sewing 
Augusta 30 washing 
be) washing 
3 washing 
3 
3 
22 
4 
3 
6 days 
22 sewing 
Augusta 5 
Penn 20 drayman 
Virginia 25 washing 
Augusta 12 sewing 
II 
8 
3 
II mos 
S. Car 2 boating 
Maryland 12 washing 
St. Domingo 24 sewing 
Georgia 20 sewing 
17 sewing 
Augusta 18 sewing 
Savh 26 sewing 
Augusta 20 sewing 
25 washing 
Savannah 50 washing 
Augusta 5 washing 
St. Domingo 25 washing 
Va fe) waggoning 
2 washg and cookg 
Io 
Augusta 2 
S. Car 60 gardening 
20 boating 
St. Domingo 25 washing 
Georgia 60 washing 
Virginia Richd county 8 mo carpenter 
Augusta 15 sewing 
S. Car 7 sewing 
Savh 2 
Georgia 24, house servant 
Georgia 23 draying 
Augusta 23 washing 
9 : 
17 sewing 
S. Carolina 12 sewing 
I house servant 
3 
Va 30 laborer 
Augusta 20 weaving 
10 


146 


AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Names 


James Larry Jr 
Nelly Jenes 
Robet Jones 
Sary Ann Jones 
Augustus Larry 
Daniel Caroline 
Rachel Shavers 
Linda Lambert 
Suckey Young 
Nancy Kevan 
Ursele Poison 
Betsey Keating 
Caroline “ 
Emily iy 
Eliza oh 
Jos. a 
Ceasar Tanner 
Sopha 

Harriet Williams 
Billy Collins 
Roderick Dent 
Kitty Shifton 
Louis Monroe 
Willis Carter 
Joseph Smith 
Joseph Lee 
David Russell 
John Wright 
Polly Wright 
Jane Coleman 
Moses Jones 

J. T. Welch 
Isaac Harman 
Matthew Marham 
James Harman 
Abram Harman 
Ailcey Hagland 
Martha Hulin 
John Evans 
James Evans 
William Hulin 
Mary Hulin 
Navel Hulin 
John Hulin 
Anna Hulin 
Betsey Bond 
John Cousins 
Priscilla Bing 
Sally Rouse 
William Evans 
Henry Smith 
Peter Leigh 
Stephen Coleman 
Caesar Johnson 
Lucy Johnson 
Rebecca Johnson 
Eliza Johnson 
Martha Johnson 


AGE 


PLacE oF 
Nativity 


Va 
Augusta 


S. Car 


Maryland 
Augusta 
Augusta 
Va 
Augusta 
Savannah 
SiG: 

Ga 


S. Car 


Newark 
Ga 


Va 

S. Car 

Va 

Richd county 
S. Car 
Richd county 


S. Car 
Va 

S Car 
Ga 


Phila 
Va 


N. Car 
Va 
Augusta 


Springfield 


Augusta 


Richd county 


Augusta 


Richd county 


Augusta 


Richd county 


Augusta 


Richd county 


Augusta 


ResipenceE How Lone 
In Geo. 


8 
16 


14 


4 mos 


OccuPaTION 


washing 


carpenter 

sewing, washing, etc 
market 

washing 

washing 

sewing 

sewing 


sexton African Church 
sewing 

weaving 

boating 

blacksmith 

sewing 


carpenter 
sadler 
farmer 


planter 

spinning, weaving 
spinning 

boating 
harnessmaker 
common laborer 


house servant 


washing 
ostler 
spinning, weaving 


common laborer 
waiting man 
farming 

boating — raftg 
carpenter 

sewing and weaving 
seamstress 


FREE PERSONS OF COLOR 147 


NAMEs Ace Praceor Resipence HowlLonc Occupation 
Nativity In Geo. 

Susanna Frazer 32 S. Car Richd county 30 weaving, sewing 
Eliz. Harman 21 Augusta 23 weaving 
G. F. Harman Imo Ga I mo 
Eliza Ann Collins 30 S. Car Richd county 23 af 
William Frazier 5 Ga Augusta 5 
Tom Paris 50 Ga 5° boating 
Sarah Rouse 30 S. Car 20 washing 
Oliver Anthony 26 Ga Richd county 26 boating 
Moses Hill 43 Va 19 boathand 
Jacon Jones 23 S. Car zi carpenter 
Joseph Gowan 24 Ga 24 attending sawmill 
Violet Sharper 56 Maryland 30 washing 
Jeremiah Smith 55 N. Car 9 mos waggoning 
William Chaves © 51 8 millwright 
Sandy Hall 25 Ga 25 boating 
Dick Taylor 60 S27. 8 v 


Joun H. Many, Clerk. 


4. TOWN POLICING OF SLAVES AND FREE NEGROES 


(a) Regulations and their enforcement in the town of Milledgeville, 
Ga. Items from the minutes of the town council printed in the 
American Historical Association Report for 1903, vol. 1, 467-470. 

This is not the text of the record, but an abstract made by the present 
editor from the original MSS. 


* Item, date of July 30, 1822: Anordinance. (1) No 
slave may live off the lot inhabited by his owner or em- 
ployer. (2) No slave may hire his own time from his 
master or contract to labor for any other person. (3) 
No person of color may keep spirituous liquors for sale, 
and none may keep any horse, cow, or hog for his own 
use. (4) No free person of color may live in Milledge- 
ville except with a guardian living in the town and a 
certificate of character and a bond for good behavior. 
Not exceeding four washerwomen at one time shall be 
exempt from the provisions of this ordinance, and they 
only when specially licensed. 

Item, August 22, 1822: Anordinance. Articles (1) 
and (2) of the above ordinance of July 30 are suspended 
until December 15 in the case of slaves provided with 
certificates of character and covered by bonds for good 
behavior. 


148 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Item, February 1, 1823: An ordinance for a patrol. 
Ordered that the marshal divide the whole list of citi- 
zens subject to patrol duty into 30 squads, and that each 
squad do patrol duty for one night in each month. Ex- 
emption from patrol duty may be purchased at $6 per 
year. 

Item, March 22, 1823: Fines of $1 each are imposed 
upon fifteen citizens for failure to perform patrol duty. 

Item, January 7, 1824: Treasurer’s report. Amount 
received in 1823 in fines for failure to do patrol duty, 
$40.50. 

Item, January 12, 1824: An ordinance repealing the 
above ordinance of February 1, 1823. 

Item, January 31, 1831: An ordinance providing a 
new system of patrol. Ordered, that the marshal and 
three sergeants, with salaries of $100 a year, shall com- 
mand the patrol in succession. Five citizens are to serve 
each night. The patrol is to continue from 9g p. m. to 3 
a.m. Persons failing to patrol or furnish substitutes are 
subject to fine from $1 to $5. 

Item, February 2, 1825: An ordinance for organ- 
izing a town guard to replace the former patrol system. 
Citizens are permitted to volunteer and receive payment 
for services. The duty of the guard is to apprehend 
every slave between ten and sixty years of age found 
off his master’s premises without a pass after the ring- 
ing of the market bell at night. Slaves apprehended 
are to be kept in the guardhouse till morning, and their 
owners notified. Each slave is to be released after 25 
lashes on the bare back and the payment of $1 by the 
owner. 

Item, June 14, 1825: An ordinance amending the 
above ordinance by exempting slaves from whipping 
for the first offense. 


FREE PERSONS OF COLOR 149 


Item, September 31, 1828: Upon the complaint of 
John Pitt, of the conduct of Rachel, a free woman of 
color, ordered that Rachel be required to remove from 
the house she now occupies, and that her guardian give 
bond and take out a license for her before November 
15, to avoid the enforcement of the law in case of 
failure. 

Item, January 23, 1829: Licenses issued to John 
Mitchell for Aaron, a free person of color, to W. H. 
Torrance, for Patsy, a free person of color; and Par- 
malee, her daughter; fo Wm. Hudson, for Dinah, a 
woman slave; to Seaborn Jones for his slave Billy; to 
Wm. Green for Sally Freeman, a free person of color; 
to Wm. Y. Hansell for Wiley Woodward, a free person 
of color; to John Marler, for Esek, a slave. 

Item, April 22, 1831: Ordered that the Secretary 
serve a citation on Edward Cary and that the marshal 
be directed to bring before this board a negro slave 
named Nathan belonging to the said Cary, on Monday 
next, to answer the charge of assault and battery, on 
one of the patrol of the town and show cause why ~ 
punishment should not be inflicted. 

Item, April 24, 1831: In response to the above cita- 
tion, Edward Cary appeared without the negro. He 
alleged that Richard Mayhorn had violated the or- 
dinance of the town by transcending his authority as a 
patrol. The evidence of witnesses was introduced to 
substantiate Cary’s statement. The board ordered that 
Richard Mayhorn be discharged from the service of 
the corporation. 

v Item, July 13, 1831: A patrol reported riotous con- 
duct on the part of a negro named Hubbard, and 
charged Hubbard with cursing, assaulting, and bruis- 
ing Billy Woodliff, at the door of Billy’s shop. Billy 


150 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Woodliff, being sworn, related how Hubbard abused 
and bruised him with a rock. Robert Mercer and Mr. 
Winter also testified. The fact was brought to light 
that Hubbard’s attack upon Billy had been brought 
about by Billy’s having taken Hubbard’s wife away 
from him. “The testimony being concluded, Mr. 
Wiggins addressed the board in a speech containing 
some lengthy, strengthy, and depthy argument; where- 
upon the board ordered that the negro man Hubbard 
receive from the marshall ten lashes, moderately laid 
on, and be discharged.” 

Item, February 12, 1830: Whereas the board has 
received information that Elijah H. Burritt has violated 
the statute of the last Georgia legislature by the in- 
troduction of certain insurrectionary pamphlets, re- 
solved that the town marshal be directed to enter his 
name as prosecutor in the case, and that this board will 
pay all expenses necessary to bring the offender to 
punishment. 

Item, September 13, 1831: Ordered, that the marshal 
and deputies use increased vigilance with regard to 
our black population, and particularly that they do not 
fail to visit every place at which there is an assembly 
of negroes, and in the event of religious meetings to 
treat them as the law directs for unlawful meetings, 
unless there is present at least one white person accepted 
by the church to which the society belongs. 

Item, October 5, 1831: The negro man Nathan, be- 
longing to W. B. Hepburn, was brought before the 
board and examined relative to a suspected insurrec- 
tion among the blacks. Whereupon, after due con- 
sideration of all the circumstances, it was ordered that, 
as nothing criminal has been proved against him, he be 
immediately discharged. The yellow man Richard 


FREE PERSONS OF COLOR 151 


Rogers, a preacher, was examined and likewise dis- 
charged. So also Aleck Reynolds, the blacksmith, and 
Casewell, a blacksmith belonging to Peyton Pitts. The 
board ordered that, whereas there has been consider- 
able danger in the late excitement and alarm of an in- 
tention at insurrection, by firing guns and “by persons 
carrying arms that were intoxicated,” and by boys un- 
able to bear arms, it be ordained that the marshal and 
patrols take away arms from intoxicated persons and 
boys and enforce the ordinance against firing arms in 
the streets. 

The examination of these negroes suspected of con- 
spiracy in 1831 and the trials of Nathan and Hubbard, 
noted above under dates of April 22 and 24 and July 
13, 1831, appear to be the only instances recorded of 
negroes having been tried by the Milledgeville au- 
thorities for crimes or misdemeanors prior to the out- 
break of the civil war. 

Item, January 5, 1839: “On motion of Alderman 
Cook, Resolved that the Marshal be and he is hereby 
required to pay over to the Council immediately after 
the passage of this Resolution, all moneys received by 
him for superintending the Balls given by the Colored 
People during the Christmas holidays, and that he be 
instructed not to receive in future any compensation 
for such services.” 

Item, December 19, 1839: Resolved that the board 
deem it improper to grant negroes the privilege of 
having balls at any other time than during the Christ- 
mas holidays, and then in the daytime, and that no 
consent shall be granted except upon the application 
of the owners or guardians of the negroes. 

Item, January 21, 1841: Resolved upon petition, 
that the band of musicians composed of colored per- 


152 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


sons be allowed to practice in the old theater not later 
than 10 o’clock, until further ordered by the board; 
provided they obtain the services of some suitable white 
person to accompany them. 

_ Item, September 18, 1854: The board resolves that 
the petition before them asking the privilege for the 
negroes of the city of erecting a church for their sep- 
arate use upon the lands of the city can not be enter- 
tained unless it be signed by a majority of the citizens 
of Milledgeville. 


(b) Police news items printed in the Royal Gazette (Kingston, 
Jamaica), May 28-June 4, 1803. Postscript. 


A brown woman was, on Friday last week, brought 
before the Sitting Magistrates, charged with selling 
rum after candle light; when, though the penalty was 
£20, it being the first offence, she was only fined the 
sum of 20s. 

A white person and two negroes were likewise fined 
in the mitigated penalty of 1os each, for hawking and 
peddling goods through the streets; and the owner of 
a dray in 20s. for not having his number marked on 
both shafts of the same. . 

The same day three negro men slaves were tried in a 
summary manner before the Sitting Magistrates, for 
being found gambling with dice, and sentenced to be 
publicly flogged; which was accordingly put in execu- 
tion in the following manner before the beef-market. . . 

St. Jago de la Vega, May 28. On Monday came on 
at the Court House in this town, the trial of a free 
black man, named Thomas Henry Bosden, under the 
inveigling Act, when he was found guilty of having 
harboured and concealed a negro slave, the property 
of Hugh M’Gaan, Esq. He was sentenced to be im- 
prisoned for six months, to pay a fine of fifty pounds, 
and to remain in confinement until such fine be paid. 


FREE PERSONS OF COLOR 153 


5. LAXITY OF CITY REGULATION IN PRACTICE 


Extract from an address of Recorder Missonet, acting Mayor, to the 
New Orleans city council, Nov. 4, 1813. MS. in the possession 
of the editor. 


Vous étes temoins comme moi, messieurs, pu’au mé- 
pris de vos ordonnances les esclaves ne sont aucunement 
surveillés, qu’ils s'envirent journellement dans les caba- 
rets, et remplissent les carrefours, en restant chaque 
soir attroupés aux portes de ces lieux de débauche; que 
non-seulement ils se livrent jusqua’a l’excés aux jeux et 
danses que vous avez prohibés, mais qu’ils se rassem- 
blent en foule dans plusieurs maisons particuliéres de 
la ville et des fauxbourgs, et qu’au grand scandale du 
public étonné ils se donnent entre-eux des bals qui se 
prolongent fort avant dans la nuit; qu’enfin ces bals sont 
modelés sur ce qui se pratique dans ceux des blancs, 
puisque les esclaves y jouissent de la clarté brillante 
des lustres et des quinquets, qu’ils y dansent au son des 
mémes instruments, et qu’ils y trouvent des liqueurs 
spiritueuses ansi que refraichissments de toute espece. 

[ Translation of the above. | 

You are witnesses like myself, gentlemen, to the con- 
tempt of your own ordinances: that the slaves are not 
policed, that they congregate daily in the saloons and 
fill the “carrefours” [ probably colloquial, meaning not 
clear], loafing every evening in crowds at the doors of 
these places of dissipation; that they not only indulge 
to excess in the gambling and dancing which you have 
forbidden, but they gather in crowds at numerous 
houses in the city and the suburbs, and to the great 
scandal of the astonished public they give among them- 
selves balls lasting far into the night; and finally, that 
these balls are patterned upon those of the whites, since 
the slaves enjoy the same brilliant light of lustres and 


154 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY | 


lamps, dance to the sound of the same instruments, and 
have spirituous liquors and refreshments of every kind. 


6. INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIAL STATUS 


(a) Lewis, M. G. Journal of a West India Proprietor kept during a 
Residence in the Island of Jamaica (London, 1834), 347, 348. 


Feb. 17, [1817]. Some of the free people of colour 
possess slaves, cattle, and other property left them by 
their fathers, and are in good circumstances; but few 
of them are industrious enough to increase their pos- 
sessions by any honest exertions of their own. As to 
the free blacks, they are almost uniformly lazy and 
improvident, most of them half-starved, and only anx- 
ious to live from hand to mouth. Some lounge about 
the highways with pedlar boxes, stocked with various 
worthless baubles; others keep miserable stalls pro- 
vided with rancid butter, damaged salt-pork, and other 
articles; and these they are always willing to exchange 
for stolen rum and sugar, which they secretly tempt 
the negroes to pilfer from their proprietors; but few 
of them ever make the exertion of earning their liveli- 
hood creditably. Even those who profess to be tailors, 
carpenters, or coopers, are for the most part careless, 
drunken, and dissipated, and never take pains sufficient 
to attain any dexterity in their trade. As to a free 
negro hiring himself out for a plantation labourer, no 
instance of such a thing was ever known in Jamaica, and 
probably no price however great, would be considered 
by them as a sufficient temptation. 

(b) Extract from a letter of A. H. Urquhart, overseer of the Mills 
Plantation, Jefferson County, Ga., Feb. 3, 1840, to his employer, Miss 
Margaret Telfair, Savannah, Ga. MS. in the possession of the 
Georgia Historical Society, trustee for the Telfair Academy of 


Arts and Sciences, Savannah. Concerning free negro squatters upon 
the Mills Plantation. 


Mary Scotts Daughters husband have presented a 


FREE PERSONS OF COLOR wer 


recommendation to me as an honest industrious man and 
that he had conducted himself properly and several 
assigners But I am not acquainted with any of them 
there is good and Evil reports respecting him I cannot 
say which is true I will thank you to say wheather they 
shall Be permited to settle on your Land or not I Expect 
there is some settled on your Land all Ready that never 
have had any permission I can find no permission in 
the Plantation Book for the following free negroes 
Isaac Mason that Married Mary Scotts Daughter & 
Joseph Nunes I am of the opinion have settled of his 
own accord he is clearing up the Land Burning the 
lightwood which will Be valluable and not moore than 
3 miles from the River, when I first new Nunes he was 
living with his uncle Charles Nunes and thesaid Charles 
had permission to settle where he is now living and 
Joseph had a negro house on the Land he commence 
clearing about 3 years sence and his negroes are In- 
creaseing and growing I think he has to or 11 negroes 
at this time and several of them able to do good work; 
and all these free Negroes on your Lands have swarms 
of children they will soon Be able to cut down quantitys 
of your Lands at the same time they think it a task to 
send you a few chickens and Eggs. I think you would 
do well to make them pay rent unless they do better. 


7. FREE PERSONS OF COLOR EMIGRATING FROM 
LOUISIANA IN SEARCH OF OPPORTUNITY, RE- 
TURN FROM SAN DOMINGO AND REPORT ON 

THE INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIAL STATUS OF 
THE NEGRO REPUBLIC 


News item from the New Orleans Commercial Advertiser, reprinted 

in the Courrier des Natchitoches (Natchitoches, La.), June 7, 1825. 
ST. DOMINGUE. Nous apprenons que plusieurs per- 
sonnes du couleur libres, qui s’étaient décidées a quitter 
la Louisiane dans l’espoir d’étre plus heureuses sous le 


156 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


gouvernement de soi-disant Republicain Boyer, sont 
revenues a la Nouvelle Orléans, convaincues que la vér- 
itable liberté ne consiste pas seulement dans le nom, mais 
encore dans la morale et la pratique. Dans les villes de 
St. Domingue le peuple est addoné au vol a la débauche 
et a mendier; l’industrie est une chose inconnue parmi 
les hommes de couleur. Le peu qui se fesait dans la 
ville était a peu de choses prés, le partage des femmes et 
des blancs. A la campagne on avait recours a des 
moyens de rigueur pour faire travailler les cultivateurs 
parceque l’appat de récompenses avait été insuffisant. 

Telles étaient les choses 4 St. Domingue, quand les 
négres apprirent que Boyer traitoit avec la France. Le 
gouvernement des mulatres devint odieux; et dans cer- 
tains districts, éloignés des villes, les négres avaient 
cessé de travailler. Les passes des montagnes aux derni- 
ers dates étaient infestées de bandes armées, et on re- 
doutait une révolte générale. Boyer dont la santé est 
mauvaise, se trouve dans une situation dangéreuse a 
garder et dangéreuse a quitter. Ila quelque milliers de 
Bayonettes a ses ordres, mais il ne sait a qui se fier. Les 
négres n’attendent que |’occassion et un chef, pour ex- 
terminer les autres coulers. 

[ Translation of the above. ] 

ST. DOMINGO. We learn that many free persons of 
color who had decided to leave Louisiana in the hope 
of being happier under the self-styled Republican 
Boyer, have returned to New Orleans, convinced that 
true liberty consists not in the name merely, but in the 
spirit and practice. In the towns of St. Domingo the 
people are given to theft, debauchery and lying; in- 
dustry is a thing unknown among the men of color 
[i.e. mulattoes]. The little that was done in the city 
was practically the share of the women and the whites. 


FREE PERSONS OF COLOR 157 


In the country recourse was had to rigorous methods 
to make the field laborers work, because the inducement 
of wages had been inadequate. 

Such was the state of things, when the negroes fe senetl 
that Boyer was negotiating with France. The govern- 
ment of the mulattoes became odious; and in some dis- 
tricts, remote from the cities, the negroes had stopped 
working. The mountain passes at last reports were in- 
fested by armed bands, and there was fear of a general 
revolt. Boyer, whose health is bad, is in a position 
dangerous to maintain and dangerous to abandon. He 
has some thousands of bayonets at his command, but 
knows not whom to trust. The negroes await only an 
opportunity and a leader, to exterminate the other 
colors. 


8. PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING FREE NEGROES 


(a) Editorial from the Georgia Journal (Milledgeville), Jan. 1, 1817. 

The establishment of a colony of free blacks in 
Africa, the land of their fathers, or some other distant 
quarter of the world, is beginning to be seriously agi- 
tated in different parts of the country, and will probably 
be brought before congress at the present session. With 
this view resolutions have been adopted by the legis- 
lature of Virginia and by a numerous meeting of the 
inhabitants of New Jersey, requesting their public 
functionary to make application to the general govern- 
ment for a territory on the shore of the North Pacific, 
or on the coast of Africa, or elsewhere, not within any 
of the states or territorial governments of the Union, 
to serve as an asylum for such persons of color as are, 
or may be, emancipated. 

To the nation at large, the slave holding states in 
particular, this subject is full of interest. The prac- 


158 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


ticability of colonizing the blacks has been demon- 
strated at Sierra Leone, where thousands are said to be 
cultivating the soil, and civilizing the barbarous hordes 
that surround them. Nor will the policy of such a 
measure be questioned by anyone who duly estimates 
the danger to which our tranquility is constantly ex- 
posed by having among us a race of people, possessing 
neither the rights of citizens nor the protection of slaves. 
With the example of St. Domingo before our eyes, it 
is strange we would have permitted partial freedom 
to exist so long, especially when it is known to have 
the effect of making slaves discontented with their situa- 
tion, and exciting them to insurrection. 

But we ought not to stop at this. A gradual reduction 
of slavery should be immediately attempted, if, as Mr. 
Jefferson affirms in his Notes on Virginia, we shall have 
some day to choose between our own destruction and 
general emancipation. With such a hint from so dis- 
tinguished a philosopher, shall we not merit execration, 
if we fail to provide in time an adequate remedy for 
this great and growing evil, an evil which is always 
staring us in the face—which obtrudes so frequently 
upon us in spite of ourselves, the most gloomy and awful 
apprehension. If the government will find means of 
conveying out of the country such slaves as may be 
emancipated, and would likewise purchase annually a 
certain number, particularly females for transportation, 
it is believed our black population would soon become 
harmless if not extinct. To the importance of such an 
object, the expense will bear no comparison; and a 
more favorable period than the present for its accom- 
plishment can scarcely be expected. 


FREE PERSONS OF COLOR 159 


(b) News item from New Jersey, in an editorial from the American 
Sentinel reprinted in the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), Sept. 


17, 1834. 

THE Biacks. The Woodbury Herald of yesterday 
says, that the upper part of Gloucester, New Jersey, 
“is literally overrun with blacks, driven by the violence 
of an infuriated mob, from their homes and property 
in Philadelphia, to seek shelter and protection among 
the farmers of our country. Their numbers previous 
to this influx had become in some places troublesome— 
in others a burden and a nuisance. A temporary so- 
journ among us, considering the circumstances of the 
case, may be borne with—but the first indication of a 
permanent residence should, and we feel confident will, 
call forth a rigid enforcement of the statute against the 
admission of blacks into our boundaries. We have no 
doubt that they may return to their proper residences 
with perfect safety.” 

(c) Editorial from the Atlanta (Ga.) Daily Intelligencer, Jan. 9, 

1860. 

THE FREE NEGRO QUESTION. We notice in the Con- 
stitutionalist of yesterday, the full proceedings of the 
last session of the City Council of Augusta—the prin- 
ciple question discussed at that session being the right 
of the City Recorder, to sell into slavery free negroes 
convicted of a violation of the city laws, such power 
being conferred upon him by the last General Assembly. 
A long debate sprung up in the Council on this question, 
with which so far as it has a local application, we have 
nothing to do; but the ground taken by those who op- 
posed the selling of those negroes, seems to us altogether 
untenable. We are opposed to giving free negroes a 
residence in any and every Slaveholding state, believing 
as we do, that their presence in slave communities is 
hurtful to the good order of society, and fraught with 


160 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


great danger to our “peculiar institution”; and we 
speak of this matter now, as the question has been 
raised, for the purpose of awakening the sentiment of 
the community to the dangerous element which manu- 
mission has placed among us.’ We confess that we were 
not a little surprised upon reading the Council Pro- 
ceedings, to find one member styling this law authoriz- 
ing the sale under certain conditions “monstrous.” We 
can’t see for the life of us how anyone understanding 
fully the great principle that underlies our system of 
involuntary servitude, can discover any monstrosity in 
subjecting a negro to slavery of a white man. We con- 
tend on the contrary that the monstrosity, or, at least, 
the unnaturalness in this matter, consists in finding 
negroes anywhere in white communities not under the 
control of the whites. Whenever we see a negro, we 
pre-suppose a master, and if we see him in what is 
called commonly a “‘free State” we consider him out of 
his place. This matter of manumission, or emancipation, 
“now thank Heaven, less practiced than formerly” is 
a species of false philanthropy, which we look upon as 
a cousin-Germain to Abolitionism—bad for the master, 
worse for the slave. 


9. SEVERITIES OF THE LAW 


(a) Letter of Governor Sir R. Robinson, Bermuda Islands, Feb. 22, 
1689, to Deputy Governor Stede, in Calendar of State Papers, 
America and West Indies 1, 1689-1682, 9. 


The negro which I sent by my kinsman, though he 
has been free, became a slave to the King in virtue of 
an Act of Bermuda, which obliges all free negroes to 
depart within a given time, or to become the King’s 
slaves. The Act was passed chiefly because of that negro 
and his gang, and it would be very prejudicial to the 
Islands if he were not sold. I beg you to return him. 
The Chief Justice, who wrote about him, rather out of 


FREE PERSONS OF COLOR 161 


malice to me and the Government than good will to- 
wards the negro, is going home shortly. 


(b) Local news item from the New Orleans (La.) Bee, July 11, 1844. ~ 

John Vaughn f. m. c. [free man of color] was ar- 
rested on Tuesday night in the act of climbing over a 
fence and into the premises of Captain Gow, on Front 
street, and was yesterday brought before Recorder 
Baldwin to answer to the charge. While in the Re- 
corder’s office, he was recognized as having been sen- 
tenced some time since to the Penitentiary, for being in 
the State in contravention to law. His Honor sent him 
again before the Criminal Court, to be tried for a sec- 
ond offence for being in the State in contravention of 
law. The penalty is “Imprisonment for life.” 


10. VOLUNTARY ENSLAVEMENT 


(a) Petition of Lucinda, a free negress, to be made a slave. MS. 
in Virginia State Archives, Richmond. 


To this Legislature of the Commonwealth of Vir- 
ginia, the petition of Lucinda, lately a slave belonging 
to Mary Matthews of King George county, respectfully 
sheweth that the said Mary Matthews, by her last will 
and testament, among other things, emancipated all her 
slaves, and directed that they should be removed by her 
executor to some place where they could enjoy their 
freedom by the laws there in force: That all the slaves 
so emancipated (except your petitioner) were removed 
this year to the State of Tennessee; but your petitioner 
declined going with them, as she had a husband be- 
longing to Capt. William H. Hoe in King George 
county, from whom the benefits and privileges to be 
derived from freedom, dear and flattering as they are, 
could not induce her to be separated: that, in conse- 
quence of this determination on her part, a year has 
elapsed since the death of her late mistress Mary Mat- 


162 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


thews, and your petitioner is informed that the forfeit- 
ure of her freedom has taken place under the law pro- 
hibiting emancipated slaves ‘from remaining in this 
State; and that the Overseers of the poor might now 
proceed to sell her for the benefit of the poor of the 
county: Your petitioner, still anxious to remain with 
her husband, for whom she has relinquished all the ad- 
vantages of freedom, is apprehensive that, in case of a 
sale of her by the Overseers of the poor, she may be 
purchased by some person, who will remove her to a 
place remote from the residence of her husband: to 
guard against such a heart rending circumstance, she 
would prefer, and hereby declares her consent, to be- 
come a slave to the owner of her husband, if your honor- 
able body will permit it, and for that purpose she prays 
that you will pass a law vesting the title to her in the 
said William H. Hoe and directing that all proceed- 
ings on the part of the Overseers of the Poor for King 
George county to effect the sale of her may be per- 
petually staid, And your petitioner will pray &c. 

Nov. 27th 1815. LUCINDA. 


(b) News item from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), Oct. 6, 
1857. 

VOLUNTARY ENSLAVEMENT. Elizabeth Bickley, a 
free girl of color, age about 22 years, voluntarily went 
into slavery at the present term of the Abingdon Circuit 
Court [S.C.]. She was bought by Capt. Samuel 
Skinner, sheriff of that County. 

This is the first instance of the kind we have heard of, 
says the Abingdon Democrat, in this end of the State. 
The woman is very intelligent, and was full aware that 
a kind master was better able to provide anid care for 
her than she was herself. ‘This is a nut for Yankee 
philosophers to crack. 


FREE PERSONS OF COLOR 163 


(c) Petition of William Bass, a Free Person of Color, Praying to 
become a Slave. Caption of a double broadside, or leaflet, in the 
possession of Hon. E. S. Hammond, Blackville, S.C. Text here 
given entire. 


TO THE HONORABLE THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF 
REPRESENTATIVES OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 
SOUTH CAROLINA. The humble peition of the under- 
signed, William Bass, sheweth unto your honorable 
bodies, that he is a free person of color, residing in the 
District of Marlborough, in the State aforesaid, and 
that he is desirous of entering into the condition of 
slavery. That his position as a free person of color, a 
negro, is more Cegratng, and svolves more suileting degrading, and involves more sufferin 
in this State, than that of a slave, who is under the care, 
protection and ownership of a kind and good master. 
That as a free negro, he is preye n by every sharper 
with whom he comes in contact, and that he is very 
poor, though an able bodied man, and is charged with 
and punished for, every offence, guilty or not, commit- 
ted in his neighborhood; that he is without house or 
home, and lives a thousand times harder, and in more 
destitution, than the slaves of many of the planters in 
this district; for these reasons, and many others, unnec- 
cessary here to enumerate, your petitioner prays: 

That he may be permitted by some action of your 
honorable bodies to become a slave of, and be owned 
by Mr. Philip W. Pledger, who has consented to re- 
ceive him if he can do so-lawfully, and who your peti- 
tioner is confident will make him a humane master and 
protector, and who owns his stepfather and some other 
relations. his 

WILLIAM X  BAss. 
mark 
Signed in my presence this December 14th, 1859. 
S. J. TOWNSEND. 


164 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


South Carolina, Marlborough District. 
Personally appeared before me, S. J. Townsend, and 
made oath that he was present and saw William Bass 
sign as his own free will and voluntary act, without any 
constraint whatever, the foregoing petition, and begged 
him, said deponent, to have it presented to the General 
Assembly. S. J. TOWNSEND. 
Sworn to before me this December 14th, 1859. 
P. M. COLL, Clerk. 
I, P. W. Pledger, hereby consent, if the Legislature 
will legalize the act, to become the owner of William 
Bass, as prayed for in the foregoing petition. 
P. W. PLEDGER. 
Signed in my presence, December 14th, 1859. 
S. J. TOWNSEND. 


XV. POOR WHITES 


1. THE EARLY GEORGIA CRACKERS, DESCRIBED BY 
A COCKNEY 


Stokes, Anthony (chief-justice of the colony of Georgia). A View of 
the Constitution of the British Colonies (London, 1783), 140-141. 


The Southern Colonies are overrun with a swarm of 
men from the western parts of Virginia and North 
Carolina, distinguished by the name of Crackers. Many 
of these people are descended from convicts that were 
transported from Great Britain to Virginia at different 
times, and inherit so much profligacy from their ances- 
tors, that they are the most abandoned set of men on 
earth, few of them having the least sense of religion. 
When these people are routed from the other provinces, 
they fly to Georgia, where the winters are mild, and 
the man who has a rifle, ammunition, and a blanket, 
can subsist in that vagrant way which the Indians pur- 
sue; for the quantity of deer, wild turkies, and other 
game there affords subsistence, and the country being 
mostly covered with woods, they have it always in their 
power to construct temporary huts, and procure fuel. 
The Eastern Coast of Georgia, in which they plant 
Tice, is at this time thinly settled on account of the 
emigration of the Loyalists, and the greatest proportion 
of inhabitants are negro slaves: whereas in the western 
parts, the inhabitants are numerous, and daily increase 
by the accession of the Crackers from the other Prov- 
inces; and it is highly probable that these people will 
in time overrun the rice part of the country, as the 


166 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Tartars in Asia have done by the fruitful cultivated 
provinces in the southern parts of that country. What 
induces me rather to think so is, that during the King’s 
Government these Crackers were very troublesome in 
the settlements, by driving off gangs of horses and 
cattle to Virginia, and committing other enormities: 
they also occasioned frequent disputes with the Indians, 
whom they robbed, and sometimes murdered: the 
Indians in return, according to their custom, murdered 
the first white man they met, by way of retaliation. 


2. THE PINE-BARRENS POPULATION 


(a) Extract from a letter of John Palmer, St. Stephens, S.C., Dec. 3, 
1808, to David Ramsay. MS. in the possession of the Charleston 
Library. 


The settlers in our Pine woods make out but a very 
bad living. They might do better, but they are gen- 
erally an idle set of people. The principal living is by 
hunting. The wolf makes depredations on sheep, and 
the Bears destroy the hogs in the river swamp. 

(b) Ker, Henry. Travels (Elizabethtown, N.J.. 1816), 352, giving 


observations made in 1816 on a trip from Columbia, S.C., to Fay- ~ 
etteville, N.C. 


The complexion of the inhabitants now began to 
acquire that yellow sickly cast which is so common to 
those who reside in the neighborhood of marshes and 
swamps, and many of the children had not the appear- 
ance of that cleanliness which is the sure preservative 
of health. I stopped at the house of a woman to enquire 
the way, and as I rode up to the door was saluted with 
the barking of dogs, the squealing of pigs, and the 
vociferating lungs of about a dozen children who 
bawled out, mama, mama, here’s a man, and ready to 
jump out of their skins. 


POOR WHITES 167 


(c) The Augusta (Ga.) Constitutionalist, Oct. 18, 1831, describing 
conditions in the Georgia pine flats. 


The inhabitants of our city are scarcely aware that 
there exists within one hundred miles of them a people 
peculiar in habits, pursuits and manners, and among 
whom the absence of refinement and luxury is com- 
pensated by a republican simplicity—native vigor of 
intellect-and kindness of heart. We allude par- 
ticularly to the counties of Emanuel and Tattnall, 
where although wealth and polish do not abound — the 
inhabitants are perhaps as happy and comfortable as 
those who breathe the air of our towns and reside in 
‘more populous and flourishing regions. Trained to 
labor from their youth, they shrink from no toil or hard- 
ship—and content with little, their ideas do not stray 
beyond the farms where grow their cotton, and corn 
and sugar cane, and the pine woods where their flocks 
feed upon the luxuriant wild-oats. The country is wild, 
sparsely settled, full of game, and if we except one or 
two highways leading to Savannah, almost without 
roads, the paths dignified by the name of roads being 
almost overgrown by grass, and so dim and blind that 
the traveller almost unconsciously wanders from them 
into the forest. Health is the inheritance of sire and 
son, although it must be confessed that in this sickly 
year of 1831, it has not been so generally enjoyed as of 
yore. The ague has made its appearance in several 
places and bilious fever have in one or two cases astound- 
ed the inhabitants by their ravages. In the county of 
Emanuel no physician resides—he could not make his 
bread—and in Tattnall, the ailments of the people, 
usually slight, are ministered unto by an amiable 
gentleman who has some skill in medicine but who 
never listened to a lecture or witnessed a dissection, and 


168 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


perhaps his patients like him the better for it. The aid 
of this kind amateur, however, is not always invoked 
in time of need — some of the good people have a horror 
of doctors and their means, an instance of which oc- 
curred but recently. An excellent old man, a Meth- 
odist preacher, died, full of years and ripe for future 
happiness, for he was followed to the grave by the bless- 
ings and lamentations of all who knew him. In a day 
or two afterwards a daughter followed him, and the 
disease, a bilious fever, by which they had been taken 
away, still remained to afflict two brothers of the family. 
They were visited by some intelligent gentlemen, who 
learned with surprise that medical assistance had not 
been called in. There sat the wretched mother watch- 
ing the progress of that malady which had already de- 
prived her of the most cherished of her heart, and there 
lay the brothers; the abated fever of the one inspiring 
hope that strength of constitution would finally over- 
come his complaint—the parched and yellow skin and 
torpid condition of the other foreboding the speedy 
close of his worldly cares. Anxiously did the visitors 
recommend immediate application to a physician and 
earnestly did they describe the fatal consequences of 
neglect and delay—one of them offered his own services 
and his purse to procure a medical attendant—in vain, 
the mother trusted in “the good one above,” and would 
on no account allow a doctor of medicine to approach 
her family. One of the visitors proposed to prescribe, 
he suggested calomel, he might as well have recom- 
mended arsenic; the mother was sure that calomel and 
death were synonymous. Our gentlemen departed with 
such feelings as humane men must experience when 
they perceive an ill within the reach of a remedy which 
ignorance and prejudice, courting destruction, reject. 


XVI. IMMIGRANTS 


1. THE HARDSHIPS OF CRAFTSMEN IN COLONIAL 
VIRGINIA 


(a) Extract from Hartwell, Blair, and Chilton’s The Present State 
of Virginia (London, 1727), 6-9, describing conditions in Virginia 
about 1697. The tract is also to be found, printed from the MS., 
in the Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, first ser., vol. v, 
124-166. 


If it be inquir’d what sort of a Country it is after 
all this, we must represent it after a quite different 
Manner from what might be expected from the first 
and eldest of all the English Plantations in America. ‘As 
to the outward Appearance, it looks all like a wild 
Desart; the High-Lands overgrown with Trees, and the 
Low-Lands sunk with Water, Marsh and Swamp: The 
few Plantations and clear’d Grounds bearing no Pro- 
portion to the rough and uncultivated. 

The Inhabitants are of three Sorts, Planters, Trades- 
men and Merchants. 

Tho’ the Planters are the most numerous, perhaps 
not the hundredth Part of the Country is yet cleared 
from the Woods, and not one Foot of the Marsh and 
Swamp drained. As fast as the Ground is worn out 
with Tobacco and Corn, it runs up again in Under- 
woods, and in many Places of the Country, that which 
has been clear’d is thicker in Woods than it was before 
the clearing. Itis but in very few Places that the Plow 
is made use of; for in their first clearing they never 
grub up the Stumps, but cut the Trees down about two 
or three Foot from the Ground; so that all the Roots 


170 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


and Stumps being left, that Ground must be tended with 
Hoes, and by that time the Stumps are rotten, the 
ground is worn out. And having fresh Land enough, 
of which they must clear some for Fire-Wood, they take 
but little care to recruit the old Fields with Dung. Of 
Grain and Pulse, they commonly provide only as much 
as they expect they themselves shal have Occasion for, 
for the use of their Families, there being no Towns or 
Markets, where they can have a ready Vent for them, 
and scarce any Money to serve for a common Exchange 
in buying and selling. The only Thing whereof they 
make as much as they can is Tobacco; there being al- 
ways a Vent for that, at one Time of the Year or other: 
besides that their Want of Cloaths and Household- 
Furniture and all other Necessaries instigate them to 
make as much Tobacco as they can, this being the 
Money of that Country which Answers all Things. But 
the great Labour about Tobacco being only in Summer 
time, they acquire great Habits of Idleness all the rest 
of ‘the Year: 

For want of Towns, Markets and Money, there is 
but little Encouragement for Tradesmen and Artificers, 
and therefore little Choice of them, and their Labour 
very dear in the Country. A Tradesman having no Op- 
portunity of a Market, where he can buy Meat, Milk, 
Corn and all other things, must either make Corn, keep 
Cows, and raise Stocks himself: or must ride about the 
Country to buy Meat and Corn where he can find it; 
and then is puzzled to find Carriers, Drovers, Butchers, 
Salting (for he can’t buy one Joynt or two) and a 
great many other Things, which there would be no 
Occasion for if there were Towns and Markets. Then 
a great deal of the Tradesman’s Time being necessarily 
spent in going and coming to and from his Work, in 


IMMIGRANTS 171 


dispersed Country Plantations, and his pay being gen- 
erally in straggling Parcels of Tobacco, the Collection 
whereof costs about 10 per Cent. and the best of this 
Pay coming but once a Year, so that he cannot turn his 
Hand frequently with a small Stock, as Tradesmen do 
in England and Elsewhere, all this occasions the 
Dearth of all Tradesmen’s Labour, and likewise the 
Discouragement, Scarcity and Insufficiency of Trades- 
men. 

The Merchants live the best of any in that Country, 
but yet are subject to great Inconveniences in the way 
of their Trade, which might be avoided if they had 
Towns, Markets and Money: For, first, they are obliged 
to sell upon Trust all the Year long, except just a little 
while when Tobacco is ready. 2. They likewise drive 
a pitiful retail Trade to serve every Man’s little Oc- 
casions, being all, in Effect, but Country Chapmen, 
for want of Towns to be a Center of Trade and Business. 
3. Besides the Charge of it they are necessitated to trust 
all their Concerns to their Receivers, who go about 
among the Planters that owe them Tobacco, and receive 
and mark it for them, which Receivers, if they want 
either Skill or Honesty it proves very fatal to the Mer- 
chant. 4. They are at the Charge of carting this To- 
bacco so mark’d and receiv’d, to convenient Landings; 
or if it lies not far from these Landings, they must 
trust to the Seamen for their careful rolling it on board 
of their Sloops and Shallops: and if the Seamen roll it 
in bad Weather, or in dirty Ways, it is exposed to a 
great deal of Damage. 5. It is a great while before 
the Ships can be loaded, their Freight lying at such a 
Distance, and being to be brought together in this 
scrambling Manner. By Reason of this, it is an usual 
Thing with Ships to lye three or four Months in the 


Ae ay AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Country, which might be dispatched in a Fortnight’s 
Time, if the Tobacco were ready at certain Ports; and 
this inflames the Freight to almost double the Price of 
what it needed to be, if the Ships had a quick Dispatch. 
(b) Letter of George Hume, Rappahannock River, Va., June 20, 1723, 


to Ninian Home, printed in William and Mary College Quarterly, 
vol. vi, 253 ff. 


S*, We had no sooner landed in this Country, but 1 
was taken immediately w™ all y*° most common dis- 
tampers y* attended it, but y*° most violent of all was a 
severe flux of w™ my uncle died, being the governor’s 
factor at a place called Germawna in the upper parts of 
y° Colony whom he berried their and put pails about 
his burial place w™ is not very common in y* country. 
I went and saw it as soon as I was able to ride. Y° dis- 
temper brought me so low in a very short time y* I 
was scarse able to walk however I was oblidged to tend 
y’ store for all my being so ill till we had done purchas- 
ing tobacco for y® ship’s loadning w™ took me about six 
weeks when I was so much out of ordre y’ I was ob- 
lidged to go to Williamsburg by Water where I met w™ 
Dr Brown who I suppose gave you an account last year 
of my condition. He declared to my selfe afer he had al- 
most cured me of the flux y* he did not expect I should 
have lived. I waited on y° governour y° day after I 
went to town & delivered y™ Spotsewood’s letter. He 
was seemingly very kind to me and talked to me very 
friendly but he told me it was out of his power to do 
anything for me he being put out of his place and he had 
so many w™ y™ that he was oblidged to put away some of 
y” whom he could best spare—then q’ to do I could not 
tell however I advised with Dr. Brown who was of y° 
opinion I should return home as soon as I could. What 
little money I had I was oblidged to spend it at 


IMMIGRANTS 173 


WBurg the Time I was sick which was about five 
weeks indeed y* Dr. took nothing for my druggs. All 
that comes to this country have ordinarily sickness at 
first w™ they call a seasoning of w™ I shall assure you I 
had a most severe one when I went to town. I got but 
very little for my store keeping for all y* went to pay my 
passage for whenever my cosen John Watson at Port 
Glasgow told the Merchants there q* you had writtne to 
him was the occasion of my going away so hastely they 
would not allow me to go but to come home again and 
they sentto Whithaven (because we were driven in 
there by stress of wather) to desire our Captain to send 
me home but he proved so much my friend when he saw 
me so fond of going (for he was always very kind to 
me) that he got me into another ship and I was to keep 
the store for my passage of w™ I was very glad & ac- 
cepted of it so y‘ you may know by y‘ I could be but very 
poor in purse & I did not know q‘ hand to turne myselfe 
to for I could get no bussinesse for unlesse one have 
very good recommendation there is no sort of bussiness 
to be got in y* Indian Country wherefore I could have 
traveled farer where I was informed I would have been 
better if I could have got any money but y’ is y° worst 
place for y* I could have pitched upon for there is so 
little in y° country y* I believe a great many of y™ does 
not know it if they saw it only. They make a parcill of 
tobacco w™ they make to buy themselves cloathes and 
makes it go from one to another instied of money and 
that is all they seek after here so y* if nothing fall out 
better for me next year if it be possible for me to get a 
little money & cloathes together I design for farrer 
abroad either to Jamaica or y* West Indies which ever 
of them I can get the best accounts of I thought to have 
gone to New York little after I came here when I found 


174 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


so little encouragement here w™ is not far from y* place 
but I could never be worth so much as to carry me it 
being very dear travelling y’ way. I hear my brother 
Pattrick is there Surgein of y° Grayhound Man of Warr 
lying on y’ station. 

Mr. Petter Chambers has been very kind to me in y” 
place in assisting me w™ severall necessities which I 
could not want and which it had been very hard for me 
to get unless he had assisted me such as Shoos & Stokins 
for ever since I came into y’ country I have never gained 
anything for myselfe unless it be sometimes a small par- 
cill of tobacco w™ I get for writing. Everything of 
cloathing is most unreasonably dear here it being three 
times as dear as in Scotland so y’ is y° greats" strait | am 
att. 

I have had not my halth very well in y* country as yet 
but however I have it much beter than I had it last 
year only I am now and then trobled w™ y° fever & ague 
w*" is a very violent distemper here. This place is only 
good for doctors & ministers who have very good en- 
couragem* here. 


2. HANDICRAFT OPPORTUNITIES IN THE COLONY 
OF SOUTH CAROLINA 


Extract from A Description of the Province of South Carolina, drawn 
up at Charleston in September, 1731, reprinted in B. R. Carroll’s 
Historical Collections of South Carolina (New York, 1836), vol. 
li, 130-131. 


The good Dispositions which are making daily for a 
regular Administration of Justice, cannot fail of bring- 
ing the Country into Reputation, and drawing thither 
still great numbers of People. Arrtificers are so scarce 
at present, that all sorts of Work is very dear; Taylors, 
Shoemakers, Smiths, etc. would be particularly ac- 
ceptable there. A skilful Carpenter is not ashamed to 


IMMIGRANTS 175 


demand 30s. per Day beside his Diet; and the common 
Wages of a Workman is 20s. per Day, provided he 
speaks English, without which he cannot be understood, 
and consequently not so useful as others; and when a 
Workman has but Ios per Day he thinks he labours for 
almost nothing, though he has his maintenance besides. 
But this is Carolina Money.° 

Most of their Shoes are brought from England, and 
generally sell for 40s. per pair. Not but that they have 
Hides enough, and very cheap, an Ox’s Hide being sold 
for 30s. neither are they destitute of the Means to Tan 
them; for they make very good Lime with Oyster- 
Shells, and the Bark of Oak-trees is so plentiful, that it 
costs nothing but the trouble of gathering: They want 
therefore only a sufficient number of good Tanners and 
Shoemakers. 

I might say the same of Leather dressers, since they 
send every Year to England above 200,000 Deer-skins 
undrest. Yet Carolina produces Oker naturally, and 
good Fish-oyl may be had from New York or New 
England very cheap: so that they might be drest and 
made up into Breeches in the Country, for which those 
skins are very proper, being warm in Winter and cool 
in Summer. 

There is not one Potter in all the Province, and no 
Earthen-ware but what comes from England, nor Glass 
of any Kind. So that a Pot-house and a good Glass- 
house would succeed perfectly well, not only for Caro- 
lina, but for all the other Colonies in America. There 
is a kind of Sand and Earth which would be very prop- 
er for these Purposes, as also Wood and Fern in abun- 
dance, had they but Workmen to make use of them. 

The Woods are full of wild Vines, bearing 5 or 6 


5 Carolina money was only one-seventh of the value of sterling. — Ep. 


176 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


kinds of Grapes naturally: but for want of Vine-dress- 
ers &c. scarce any wine is drank there except what comes 
from Madera, which are indeed cheap, for a Bottle of 
excellent Wine cost last winter but 2s. Carolina Money 
to those who bought by the Hogshead. 


3. A LOCAL SOCIETY TO PROMOTE IMMIGRATION 


Notice from the Charleston (S.C.) City Gazette, May 19, 1795. 

EMIGRANT SOCIETY. A paper containing “informa- 
tion to those who are disposed to migrate to South Caro- 
lina,” published by order of “the South Carolina So- 
ciety, for the information and assistance of persons emi- 
grating from other countries,” may be had gratis from 
the subscriber, whether in the French, English, or Ger- 
man language, by all persons who are disposed to cir- 
culate the same. It is the earnest wish of the society 
that the inhabitants of this state when writing to their 
correspondents abroad should occasionally inclose one 
of these papers in their letters. W. P. YOUNG. 


4. THE NEGRO PROBLEM AS AFFECTED BY 
IMMIGRANTS 


Extract from a letter of L. W. Spratt of Charleston (S.C.) to John Per- 
kins of Louisiana, from the Charleston Mercury, Feb. 13, 1861. 
Within ten years past as many as ten thousand slaves 
have been drawn away from Charleston by the attrac- 
tive prices of the West, and laborers from abroad have 
come to take their places. These laborers have every 
disposition to work above the slave, and if there were 
opportunity would be glad to do so, but without such 
opportunity they come into competition with him; they 
are necessarily restive to the contact. Already there 1s 
disposition to exclude him from the trades, from public 
works, from drays, and the tables of hotels; he is even 
now excluded to a great extent,and . . . when 


IMMIGRANTS 177 


more laborers . . . shall come in greater numbers to 
the South, they will still more increase the tendency to 
exclusion ; they will question the right of masters to em- 
ploy their slaves in any works that they may wish for; 
they will invoke the aid of legislation; they will use the 
elective franchise to that end; they may acquire the 
power to determine municipal elections; they will in- 
exorably use it; and thus the town of Charleston, at the 
very heart of slavery, may become a fortress of demo- 
cratic power against it. As it is in Charleston, so also 
is it to a less extent in the interior towns. Nor is it only 
in the towns that the tendency appears. The slaves 
from lighter lands within the state, have been drawn 
away for years by the higher prices in the West. They 
are now being drawn from rice culture. Thousands 
are sold from rice fields every year. None are brought 
to them. They have already been drawn from the cul- 
ture of indigo and all manufacturing employments. 
They are as yet retained by cotton and the culture in- 
cident to cotton; but as almost every negro offered in 
our markets is bid for by the West, the drain is likely to 
continue; it is probable that more abundant pauper la- 
bor may pour in, and it is to be feared that even in this 
state, the purest in its slave condition, democracy may 
gain a foothold, and that here also the contest for exist- 
ence may be waged between them. 


5. IMMIGRANT LABOR IN PUBLIC WORKS AND 
MINES 


(a) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette, Sept. 1, 1774. 

The Subscriber being just arrived from Great Brit- 
ain, with a Number of Engineers and Artificers, in Or- 
der to remove the Obstructions to the Navigation of 
Potowmack River, at and above the the lower Falls, and 
thinking himself fully qualified for such an Undertak- 


178 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


ing, agreeable to his Proposals before his Embarkation 
for Europe, he is desirous to have a Meeting of his prin- 
cipal Subscribers and others, interested in this necessary 
Work; and considering it most convenient to all con- 
cerned to have the same at George Town in Maryland, 
he proposes that it shall be there on Monday the 26th 
of September, at which Time and Place he will certain- 
ly attend, and be ready to lay before them an accurate 
Plan and Estimate of the Expense. Also an Act of the 
Virginia Assembly, and likewise a Subscription from 
some of the principal Proprietors, &c. of the Province 
of Vandalia, now residing in England, for the farther 
Encouragement of the proposed Undertaking. 

JOHN BALLENDINE. 
Falls of Potowmack, in Virginia, August 22, 1774. 

(b) Letter of C. Meyers, Great Falls of the Potomac, May 31, 1796, 


to the Governor of Virginia, printed in the Calendar of Virginia 
State Papers, vol. viii, 372. 


I am here the Engineer for the Potomac Company. 
A variety of characters are employed, who, of course, 
are not of the best description. Riots and quarrels are 
now becoming so frequent that the exercise of legal 
power has become absolutely necessary—not only to 
cheque but to secure offenders of the public peace. 

For these considerations, I respectfully offer my ser- 
vice as a Magistrate. Should you, sir, please to appoint 
me, I shall uniformly pursue that comes that makes 
the appointment respectable. 

I have no interest in or motive for this application but 
a wish to have the power given by law to preserve the 
peace of this place and neighborhood. 

(c) Diary of Lucian Minor on a trip across Maryland in 1834, printed 

in the Atlantic Monthly, vol. xxvi, 340. 

Several sections of the Balt. and Washn. Rlroad lay 

in sight as we drove along; its route now and then cross- 


IMMIGRANTS ie} 


ing ours. Several hundred Irish and Dutch laborers on 
it, at various points; mostly Irish. The Dutch perfect- 
ly steady and well disposed. All the turbulence is 
among the Irish. The scene of their great affray three 
days ago, in which six or seven were killed, is close to 
the road. The ashes and fragments of the burned and 
torn down shanties are yet fresh. The rioters are not yet 
all taken. The militia are out to catch them, and re- 
press apprehended riots. 

We passed 20 or 30 [militia] in uniform, drilling in 
a shady wood: and about as many more, refreshing 
themselves at a tavern by the wayside-their guns not 
stacked but leaning at random (quite militia fashion) 
against the sides of the house and porch. 

(d) Olmsted, F. L. Journey in the Seaboard Slave States (New York, 

1859), 47, 48. Observations in Virginia, 1856. 

Yesterday, I visited a coal-pit: the majority of the 
mining laborers are slaves, and uncommonly athletic 
and fine-looking negroes; but a considerable number of 
white hands are also employed, and they occupy all the 
responsible posts. The slaves are some of them owned 
by the Mining Company; but the most are hired of their 
owners, at from $120 to $200 a year, the company board- 
ing and clothing them. (I have the impression that I 
heard it was customary to give them a certain allow- 
ance of money and let them find their own board.) 

The white hands are mostly English or Welchmen. 
One of them, with whom I conversed, told me that he 
had been here several years; he had previously lived 
some years atthe North. He got better wages here than 
he had earned at the North, but he was not contented, 
and did not intend to remain. On pressing him for the 
reason for his discontent he said, after some hesitation, 
that he had rather live where he could be more free; a 
man had to be too “discreet” here: if one happened to 


180 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


say anything that gave offense, they thought no more of 
drawing a pistol or a knife upon him, than they would 
of kicking a dog that was in their way. Not long since, 
a young English fellow came to the pit, and was put to 
work along with a gang of negroes. One morning, 
about a week afterwards, twenty or thirty men called on 
him, and told him that they would allow him fifteen 
minutes to get out of sight, and if they ever saw him in 
those parts again, they would “give him hell.” They 
were all armed, and there was nothing for the young 
fellow to do but to move “right off.” 

‘““What reason did they give him for itP” 

“They did not give him any reason.” 

“But what had he done?” 

““Why I believe they thought he had been too free 
with the niggers; he wasn’t used to them, you see, sir, 
and he talked to ’em free like, and they thought he’d 
make ’em think too much of themselves.” 

He said the slaves were very well fed, and well 
treated—not worked over hard. They were employed 
night and day, in relays. 

The coal from these beds is of special value for gas 
manufacture, and is shipped, for that purpose, to all the 
large towns on the Atlantic sea-board, even to beyond 
Boston. It is delivered to shipping at Richmond, at 
fifteen cents a bushel: about thirty bushels go to a ton. 


6. IRISH PEDDLERS 


Local news item from the Southern Banner (Athens, Ga.), March 16, 
1853. 

KICKING UP A Row. Three Irishmen, named John 
Carr, Robert McCannon, and John Gilburn, were ar- 
rested on Tuesday last by officer Haggard, and brought 
before the council for riotous conduct in the house of 
Mrs. Parker a widow lady. John Carr was fined $5. 


IMMIGRANTS 181 


and cost, the other two $10. each, and cost. They were 
all considerably elevated, but the announcement of the 
fines seemed to cause a depression in the stocks. Officer 
Moore has informed us that one of them passed a one 
dollar bill altered to a ten while here, and on being 
charged with it, the trio took French leave, leaving 
their goods and chattels behind. They pretend to be 
peddlers. We think they will bear watching. 


7. IRISH GANGS IN PLANTATION WORK 


(a) Russell, W. H. My Diary North and South (New York, 1863), 
106. Extract of a conversation with an overseer on a Louisiana 
sugar plantation in 1861. 


He pointed out some sheds around which were brok- 
en bottles where the last Irish gang had been working 
under one “John Loghlin,” of Donaldsonville, a great 
contractor, who, he says made plenty of money out of 
his countrymen, whose bones are lying up and down the 
Mississippi. “They due work like fire,” he. said. 
“Loghlin does not give them half the rations we give 
our negroes, but he can always manage them with whis- 
key; and when he wants them to do a job, he gives them 
plenty of ‘forty-rod’ and they have their fight out— 
regular free fight, I can tell you, while it lasts. Next 
morning they will sign anything, and go anywhere with 
him.” 


(b) Extract from the plantation records of Louis Manigault. MS. in 
the possession of Mrs. Hawkins Jenkins, Pinopolis, S.C. 


IRISH LABOR ON RICE PLANTATIONS, Savannah 
River, 1876. Upon taking charge of Gowrie on the 
Ist January, 1876, we continued as far as practicable to 
give the same wages for labor that Mr. Heyward and 
others were doing. The price was seventy-five cents for 
a full day’s work, or 50 cents in money and 25 cents in 
rations per day for each prime hand. This was the 


182 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


maximum price, and it was only the primest hands that 
would succeed in obtaining the said amount. All of 
this free-labor system was perfectly new to me, but Mr. 
James B. Heyward, Jr. understood it perfectly, having 
been engaged in this business since the termination of 
the Confederate war (1865) and was perfectly at his 
ease in the routine of plantation affairs. I found that 
Irishmen in great numbers were in the habit of seeking 
work upon our Savannah River rice plantations during 
the Winter season. They are 1st class ditchers, and are 
superior in all canal and bank work. They come out in 
squads of five or six, and are under the head of a fore- 
man with whom your contract is made. These men oc- 
cupy any ordinary negro-house, and are quiet and or- 
derly in demeanor. From our commencing with one 
squad of five men, early in December, 1875, I increased 
this superior labor, having at one period up to twenty- 
five or six Irishmen, digging down to the hard mud the 
most important sections of the canals. . . All of this 
work was perfected in real 1st class order, being five 
feet deep, and much new mud and large stumps being 
thrown out on the margins. The immediate effect of 
drainage upon this canal-work was most effectual, and 
beautiful to behold. . . The Irish labor in ditching 
and banking, is so superior to that done by the very best 
negro men, that I made use of it as far as my means 
would allow. . . I presume in a few years these re- 
marks about Irishmen will be of little interest from the 
familiarity with which the Savannah River rice-planter 
will become with their manner of work. At the present 
time it is quite new to me. The Irishman works with a 
shovel, (and long bent handle) and wheel barrow. The 
foreman loads each barrow as wheeled to him over a 
board, each man in line pushes forward his wheel bar- 


IMMIGRANTS 183 


row, carrying a load of huge weight; reaching his desti- 
nation, the load is immediately discharged, and the 
wheel barrow is drawn behind empty by the man. 
There is no talking, as with negroes, no trifling, but the 
work goes on rapidly and in a serious manner. 
(c) Lyell, Charles. Second Visit to the United States (New York, 
1849), vol. ii, 126. Observations on the lower Mississippi, 1846. 


Reasons against reliance upon immigrants as a regular plantation 
labor supply. 


An intelligent Louisianian said to me, “Were we to 
emancipate our negroes as suddenly as your government 
did the West Indians, they would be a doomed race; 
but there can be no doubt that white labor is more pro- 
fitable even in this climate.” ‘Then, why do you not 
encourage it?” I asked. “It must be the work of time,” 
he replied; “the prejudices of owners have to be over- 
come, and the sugar and cotton crop is easily lost, if not 
taken in at once when ripe; the canes being damaged 
by a slight frost, and the cotton requiring to be picked 
dry as soon as mature, and being ruined by rain. Very 
lately a planter, five miles below New Orleans, having 
resolved to dispense with slave labor, hired one hundred 
Irish and German emigrants at very high wages. In 
the middle of the harvest they all struck for double pay. 
No others were to be had, and it was impossible to pur- 
chase slaves in a few days. In that short time he lost 
produce to the value of ten thousand dollars.” 


8. DISTRESS AND AVOIDANCE OF THE SOUTH 


(a) Article by S. E. McKinley on the yellow fever season of 1853 in 
Louisiana, describing the country as full of funerals and pest cases, 
with industry demoralized, from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, 
Ga.), Jan. 9, 1855. 


Hundreds upon hundreds of Irishmen who 
were then in Louisiana as laborers upon the railroad, 


184 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


then progressing through that State, but whose opera- 
tions were suspended in many places on account of the 
irresistible ravages of the fever, were reduced to a state 
of mendicancy deplorable in the highest degree. The 
numbers of this class of persons who were reduced to a 
state of penury. . . was incredible and to depict that 
state into which they were reduced by a refusal on the 
part of their employers to pay—added to their well 
known habits of irregularity—would require the use of 
language only to be found in the vocabulary of the 
vicious. 

(b) News item from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), Sept. 7, 

1858. 

For the year ending May 31 last, 13,912 Germans 
arrived at New Orleans. Nearly ten thousand of these 
went to St. Louis. Less than three thousand of the num- 
ber remained. 


XVII. MIGRATION 


1. FRONTIER SPIRIT IN THE COTTON BELT 


Extracts from the “Autobiography of Gideon Lincecum,” published in 
the Mississippi Historical Society Publications, vol. viii, 443-519- 
(Extracts here taken. from pp. 451-473.) 

Lincecum was born in Middle Georgia in 1793, soon after the removal 
of his father’s family from North Carolina. In addition to the 
activities here described, he taught school for a year in 1817, set 
up as an Indian trader in 1819, served as surveyor and school com- 
missioner at Columbus, Miss., resumed Indian trading with 4 
drunken partner, was invalided for three years by a sunstroke, was 
given up by the physicians but cured himself, made a tour of th 
United States as manager of a team of Choctaw ball players, se 
up as a physician in 1830, became discontented with allopathy and 
went to study herb remedies among the Indians, thereafter prac-~ 
ticed botanic medicine. In 1834, he made explorations in Texas, re- 
turned and practiced medicine at Columbus for seven years, and 
finally removed to Texas as a planter, physician, and student of 
natural history. ; 


About this time, [1802] Tyre Kelly, James and John 
Hickman, of Tennessee, three brothers-in-law, w 
my father frequent letters urging him to sell out and go 
to that rich country. He, being naturally of a restless 
disposition, was very willing to try the experiment. [H¢« 
soon found a purchaser for his rich, money-making 
home. Three years of successful farming had tired 
him out. He sold out everything he could not carry 
with him, bought a good road wagon and four fine 
horses, and set out for Tennessee. The amount of 
freight he had to transport was a big chest, four beds, 
four white and four negro children, and his mother, 
who was at that time 88 years of age. She was a little 
indisposed when we started, and her sickness became so 
serious that the violence of her paroxysms frightened 


€ 
af 
d 


186 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


my father so much that he went to the house of a Mr. 
Morris, who was nearest our camp, and got him to agree 
to let her have shelter with him while her sickness 
lasted. Her sickness continued three weeks, and my 
father, concluding that the fates were opposed to his re- 
moval to Tennessee, became discouraged, rented Mr. 
Morris’s place and moved the family into Morris’s 
house. Morris was an old man, had no children with 
him, and he and his old wife went to live with one of his 
sons. My father worked hard that year, made a large 
crop of cotton, which he sold for $5.00 a hundred in the 
seed. He had kept his wagon and fine horses and with 
the money he got for his cotton and corn crop, he was 
better prepared to meet the expenses of the long journey 
than he had been the year before. 

So he fixed up again. . . We rolled on, four days, 
until we came in view of a little, dilapidated village on 
the bank of the Savannah river; just below the mouth 
of Broad river. There was other company ahead of us, 
and we could not get our wagon into the flat till near 
sundown. Just as the wagon was turning to go down 
into the ferry boat, a quite handsome young lady came 
up and, without asking any questions, threw a small 
budget into the wagon, and crossed over with us. After 
getting over into South Carolina, we had only time to 
get out of the timber when it was night. Here we 
camped. While they were collecting wood to make a 
fire, the before mentioned young lady came into camp 
with a heavier log of wood on her shoulder, my father 
said, than aman could carry. Ina few days this young 
lady who proved to be Miss Melinda Nevils was mar- 
ried to my cousin, Asa Lincecum, who had joined us a 
few days previous to our setting out from Georgia. 

We remained at that camp three days, during two of 


MIGRATION 187 


which my father had been away with an old drunken 
Irishman, who had come there the day after we pitched 
camp. Mother was uneasy and said she did not under- 
stand it; that it was too bad to lose three days of pretty 
fair weather in such a long journey. But father came 
back the evening of the third day and astonished us all 
by informing us that he had rented an excellent farm 
on Calhoun’s creek, Abbeville district, S.C. 

We went there the next day and found the house a 
very good one and the land excellent. There was an- 
other good house of the farm, and Asa agreed to make 
a crop with my father, as there was plenty of open land 
on the place. He and his wife had nothing but their 
health and strength to begin life with, not even a blan- 
ket. But they had courage, and they went bravely to 
work, clearing the land and fixing up their house. 
Mother lent them a bedstead and some blankets. Asa 
made a fine crop of cotton and corn and Melinda spun 
and made cloth sufficient for clothing and household 
use. In the course of a year they had accumulated a 
wagon load of property. My father paid Asa for his 
share of the large crop they made, and it enabled them 
to supply all their immediate necessities. 

My father sold his cotton for a good price and made a 
visit to his sister, living in Clark county, Ga. He was 
gone two or three weeks, and when he returned, he told 
my mother that he had purchased a tract of land with a 
good house on it, one mile from Athens, Ga. We were 
soon on the road again, returning to Georgia. In the 
course of a week we reached our new home. Father 
exerted every power at his new place. He planted and 
raised a large crop of cotton; and as soon as it began to 
open, every one that could pick five pounds a day was 
forced into the cotton field. . . We succeeded in 


188 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


gathering the cotton by Christmas, and father took it to 
the gin and got the receipts for 4,643 pounds, for which 
he received five cents a pound. 

He again became restless, and selling his place, put 
his wagon in good repair, set out on a third attempt to 
get to Tennessee. This time his cargo, besides the beds, 
trunks, etc., consisted of grandmother, four white and 
four black children. He had also two white children 
and one negro child walking. The weather was fine, 
and we made good progress. I was delighted that we 
were on the road. Being in my twelfth year, I was an 
expert with a bow and arrow, and could run far ahead, 
shooting and killing many birds in the course of a day. 

Father hired a straggling old fellow to drive for this 
trip, and we rolled on bravely until we came to the 
Saluda river. There was there a store and a blacksmith 
shop, and we stopped until the smith nailed a pair of 
shoes on the out-riding horse. Father and his teamster 
became somewhat intoxicated and got two bottles of 
whiskey to carry with them. The river was wide and 
swift, but shallow. We forded it, and in the course of 
two hours were all safely landed on the border of South 
Carolina again. After going about five miles my father 
and the driver became more deeply intoxicated. The 
latter fell off the wagon and frightened the horses. 
They ran away and tore up the wagon, hurting all who 
were in it. My grandmother was very seriously 
wounded. It became necessary for us to remain in this 
place three weeks before my grandmother was able to 
travel again. At the end of this time my father told 
us that he had decided to purchase a place from a man 
by the name of Hamilton, who lived on a hill nearby. 
My father gave him some money and his wagon and 
two horses for the place. This was in Pendleton dis- 
eelangon Os 


" MIGRATION 189 


We had on this place a large orchard. There were 
in it fifty peach trees, said to be forty-four years old. 
They made a very fine crop of peaches, which my father 
gathered and carried to a still, where he had them made 
into brandy. This, with all his corn and fodder that 
he could spare, he sold to travelers for ready money at 
a good price. It was an easy place to make a living, 
and my father seemed to be quieting down to a settled 
state of mind. All of the family were satisfied and will- 
ing to remain there. Unfortunately my uncle, Tyre 
Kelly, who had been living in Tennessee, stopped with 
us on his way to Georgia. He and his eight motherless 
children remained with us a month. After they left, my 
father became restless again, and sold his place at the 
first opportunity. 

We were soon on the road again. The next time we 
stopped it was at a place a mile from where we lived 
the previous year. 

The lands beyond the Oconee river had been obtained 
by the United States from the Muskogee Indians. No 
one had moved into this new purchase, and as father 
intended to settle there as soon as the Indians had com- 
pleted the twelve months’ hunting which had been by 
a stipulation in the treaty with the United States re- 
served to them, he took an overseer’s place instead of 
purchasing land. 

There came a man by the name of Young Gill, with 
his family, and made up a school, which was to be kept 
in a little old log cabin, a mile and a half from our 
home. Father entered my sister, brother and me as day 
scholars at the rate of $7.00 each per annum. We three 
started the next day and did not miss a day until father 
moved to the new purchase five months later. I was 
fourteen years old, and it was the first schoolhouse I had 


190 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


ever seen. I began in the alphabet. There were some 
very small boys, seven years old, who could read. 

Whenever Mr. Gill would storm out, “Mind your 
book,” the scholars would strike up a loud, blatant con- 
fusion of tongues, which surpassed anything I had ever 
heard before. There I sat in a sea of burning shame, 
while the clatter and glib clap of tongues rattled on. 
I soon accustomed myself to this method of studying 
aloud and felt myself very much athome. . . 

When the Indians had finished their year of hunting 
and retired from the new purchase my father took me 
with him to explore the country. We crossed the Oconee 
river and traversed the lands of the new purchase ten 
or twelve days. He preferred the country on Little 
river, selected a place and we returned home to make 
ready for the removal as soon as possible. The newly 
acquired land belonged to the State, and the Legislature 
enacted that it should be surveyed into lots of 202% 
acres each, and have it drawn for by her citizens in 
general lottery. Men having families were entitled to 
two tickets; single men and women of age, and sets of 
orphaned children, one ticket each. My father had been 
moving and shackling about so much that he was not 
entitled to a chance in the lottery,—and the place he had 
selected on Little river had been drawn by a man who 
would not part with it. This discovery was not made 
until we had moved on to it. Father then found a place 
belonging to Thomas McLellon, with a double cabin 
onit. For this place he gave all the money he had, with 
“Mammy Pat” and two of her children. It was situated 
in the wild woods, on a beautiful clear running creek, 
in one mile of where Eatonton now stands. 

Great numbers of people flocked into the country, and 
the next year after we came there the county seat was 


MIGRATION Ig1 


laid off and named Eatonton. I was one of the chain 
carriers to survey the streets and lots though I was but 
fourteen years old. We had cleared and planted ten 
acres of ground the year before, and this year we cleared 
fifteen acres more. About this time my father and I 
had a misunderstanding and I decided to leave home. 
I hired to a man by the name of William Wilkins, a 
merchant at Eatonton. I worked for him two years 
remaining in his home during this time. At the end of 
the first year I had a serious difficulty with a man by 
the name of Clark, who had insulted me several times. 
He was discharged by Mr. Wilkins, who put me in 
entire charge of his business. After my second year 
with Mr. Wilkins I was employed by Mr. Thompson, 
a more prosperous merchant, who paid me a salary of 
$500.00 a year. 

In the meantime I had studied medicine during odd 
moments. The War of 1812 was approaching. [ left 
the store and confined myself entirely to the study of 
medicine until the declaration of war. I then enlisted 
in acompany of volunteers, but as the people of Putnam 
county had elected me tax collector, I could enlist for 
only five months. I had to begin collecting in January, 
and it was in the month of August when I went into the 
army. I served until the first of January; then went 
home, collected the taxes, paid the money into the treas- 
ury and married. I served another period of three 
months after I was married, and in the spring of 1815 
went home and gave my father a faithful year’s work. 

The next year I joined forces and farmed with Judge 
Strong. He had three hands and sixty acres of open 
land. I had forty acres of open land and two hands. 
He was to furnish all the provisions, smithing, etc. I 
Was to superintend the farm and we were to make an 


192 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


equal division of the proceeds of the crop. I planted 
sixty acres in cotton and forty in corn. I cultivated the 
ground carefully and both crops were very good. That 
year cotton was worth 31% cents a pound, but I became 
restless and did not feel like staying in that country 
until the crop could be gathered. The Alabama, Black 
Warrior, Tombecbee, and Chatahoochie countries had 
all been acquired by conquest, and I was determined to 
seek a home in the wilderness. My father had made 
up his mind to go to the new country with his large 
family and he had been insinuating to me the propriety 
of breaking up to go with him. There was another 
little thing that increased my restlessness. My wife’s 
relations were all wealthy and my wife said they had 
been mean enough to cast little slurs at her and her 
poverty. She also persuaded me to sell out and go with 
my father to the new country. All these influences con- 
firmed me in the resolution to get ready and bid adieu 
to my native State. 

Father and I sold out our possessions and were soon 
on the road to the new country. We had proceeded 
about forty-five miles when we came to the Ocmulgee 
river, which at that time was a dividing line between 
the Georgians and the Creek Indians. A man by the 
name of Ferguson came to our camp and getting a little 
“tight” with my father, in a kind of frolic, sold my 
father his land and cattle. All along the river the 
people owned herds of cattle which they kept in the 
range on the Indian side of it. There was plenty of 
deer over there, too; and being satisfied that my father 
would not remain more than a year, I concluded to 
stop also and do what I had never done in my life; idle 
away the time until he got tired of his bargain and 
made ready to move again. 


MIGRATION 193 


I could continue my medical reading, fish in the 

river, and hunt the deer beyond it; and in this way have 
a pleasant time. I had made two or three very successful 
hunting excursions, had been fishing at my baited hole, 
and caught some fine fat red horse, and was highly 
pleased at the prospects for a pleasant year’s amuse- 
ment. : 
My father loved a border life, and the place he had 
purchased on the Ocmulgee, as the people had already 
commenced settling on the opposite side of the river, 
was no longer looked upon as a border country. He 
sold his place and was soon equipped and geared up 
for the road, and so was I. I had been reared to a 
belief and faith in the pleasure of frequent change of 
country, and I looked upon the long journey, through 
the wilderness, with much pleasure. 

Our company consisted of my father and mother and 
eight children, with six negroes; Joseph Bryan, my 
brother-in-law, and his wife and two negroes; my wife 
and me and two small sons and two negroes. We had 
good horses and wagons and guns and big dogs. We 
set out on the 1oth of March, 1818. I felt as if I was 
on a big camp hunt. 

The journey, the way we traveled, was about 500 
miles, all wilderness; full of deer and turkeys, and the 
streams were full of fish. We were six weeks on the 
road; and altogether it was, as I thought and felt, the 
most delightful time I had ever spent in my life. My 
brother Garland and I ‘flanked it” as the wagons rolled 
along and killed deer, turkeys, wild pigeons; and at 
nights, with pine torches, we fished and killed a great 
many with my bow and arrows, whenever we camped 
on my water course. Little creeks were full of fish at 
that season. 


194 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


At length we reached Tuscaloosa, Ala. It was at that 
time a small log cabin village; but people from Ten- 
nessee were arriving daily, and in the course of that 
year it grew to be a considerable town. 

I concluded to stop there, and my father and his 
family and Bryan and his family continued their jour- 
ney to a small improvement eight miles below Tusca- 
loosa, on the river, where they settled, and, cutting down 
a canebrake, made corn; and killed bear, venison, and 
fish enough to supply the family. 

I fished and had as much as we needed of that kind 
of food, but there were no bear nor deer in reach of the 
town, and I had to buy provisions at enormous rates. 
Flour, $25 a barrel; corn, $244 a bushel; sugar, 50 
cents a pound; coffee, 6214 cents a pound; salt, $8. a 
bushel; bacon, 371% cents a pound. There was no beef 
to be had. 

I built a little clapboard house on the river side of 
the town, which had not yet been surveyed. The land 
hunters from Georgia found us and continued their 
friendly calls on us until what money I had left from 
the long journey was eaten up. This was a circum- 
stance for which I had made no provisions. I felt no 
uneasiness on that account; for I was as strong as two 
common men and could do anything from cutting and 
splitting fence rails to fine cabinet work. And in mer- 
cantile action was familiar with all the duties from the 
lumber house to the counting room. I could mix drugs 
and practice medicine as far as it was known in the 
interior of the country in those days. I felt no alarm 
at the fact that my money was gone. 

[In the fall of 1818, he set out to remove his family 
to the Tombigby River. ] 

Our wagons being the first that had ever traversed 


MIGRATION 195 


that unhacked forest, we of course, had to make a suf- 
ficient road for them to pass. It fell to my lot to go in 
advance and blaze the way, and by taking advantage 
of the open spaces amongst the trees, I saved a great deal 
of time. The woods having been burnt every year by 
the Indian hunters, there were but few logs remaining, 
and we got along very nicely. Except when we came 
to the water courses, we had but little difficulty. There 
are three little rivers and several creeks that crossed our 
path. We were forced to dig down the banks of these 
streams before crossing them. 

In the afternoon of the twelfth day we landed on the 
banks of the Tombecbee river, three miles by land above 
where Columbus, Miss., now stands. 

Soon all the families had houses, and all the hands 
went to work, cutting down and clearing the maiden 
forest to make fields to plant corn in. I cut down six 
acres of cane brake that jammed itself almost down 
to the place where I built my house. I burnt off the 
cane on the sth of May, and planted it with a sharp 
stick on the 6th. Twice while it was growing I cut 
and beat down the young cane that sprouted up from the 
old cane stumps. That was all the work the crop got. 
The bear and raccoons ate and destroyed a good deal 
of it, and yet I gathered 150 Bushels of good corn. 

In 1819, the government marked or surveyed a road 
from Nashville, Tenn., to Natchez, Miss. It crossed 
the Tombecbee river where Columbus, Miss., now 
stands; ten miles by water and three by land below 
where I had settled. I went down there to see what 
kind of a place it was. I found it a beautifully elevated 
situation, being about the head of navigation. I thought 
it was an eligible town site, and that it would be a town 
as soon as the country should settle up. I was so fully 


196 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


impressed with the belief that a big town would some 
day loom up on that beautiful bluff that I went home, 
sawed a thousand boards; put them on a raft and floated 
them down the river with the intention of building a 
snug little house on a nice place I had selected, hoping 
to be able to realize a profit from it, as soon as people 
should move into the country. 


2. THE MIGRATION OF A PLANTATION FORCE 


Sarcastic news item from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, Nov. 15, 1811. 

Arrived in town last evening on his way to the Mis- 
sissippi, Brigadier General Wade Hampton and suit, 
Commander in Chief of the western army, preceded by 
a division of fifty ragged, meagre looking negro in- 
fantry. Should his Excellency fail in obtaining laurels 
before Mobile, he will be able to make sugar at New 


Orleans. : 
a (Dee. HARDSHIPS OF POVERTY 


News item from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, Sept. 24, 1819. 

Emigration to the West.— Passed through this place 
from Greenville District, bound for Chatahouchee, a 
man and his wife, his son and his wife, with a cart but 
no horse. The man had a belt over his shoulders and 
he drew in the shafts—the son worked by traces tied to 
the end of the shafts and assisted his father to draw the 
cart: the son’s wife rode in the cart, and the old woman 
was walking, carrying a rifle and driving a cow. 


4. EMIGRATION FROM THE PIEDMONT VIRGINIA 
TOBACCO DISTRICT 


Extract from an editorial in the Lynchburg Virginian, Sept. 27, 1832. 
The constant emigration to the great West 
of our most substantial citizens, the bone and sinew of 
the country, and the declension of our business which 


MIGRATION 197 


is the daily subject of complaint among our mercantile 
men and of which our naked streets and untenanted 
houses are such emphatic evidence—admonish us that 
something must be done to impede our downward 
course. It is idle to talk of the blasting effects of the 
Tariff system. We suffer most from our failure to keep 
pace in building internal improvements. 


5. PROSPECTING FOR PLANTATIONS IN LOUISIANA, 
1811 


Letter of Francois Xavier Martin, New Orleans, March 22, 1811, to 
Col. John Hamilton, Elizabeth City, N.C. MS. in the possession 
of Gaspard Cusachs, Esq., New Orleans. 


New Orleans March 22d 1811 

Dr Sir, Your son has not deceived you in the idea 
he has given of the banks of the Mississippi. There 
are I believe no lands in the U. S. that repay so richl[y] 
the toils of the husbandman. Gov. Sergeant who is a 
great farmer and a pen and ink man tells me his hands 
yield him $270 each a year, in the neighborhood of 
Natchez. If you contemplate a removal I dare [say] 
you cannot do better than coming over. I am told the 
best place to settle is in this territory, on the west side 
of the river in the counties of the Attakapas and the 
Opelousas, or on the red river & its branches. People 
are removing thither, even from the Mississippi. The 
Attakapas is the county immediately on the Ocean. 
There are sugar lands I am told to be had very cheap. 
No sugar estate, at least very few are to be found there 
yet, owing to the expensiveness of this kind of establish- 
ment, but there are cotton plantations very superb in- 
deed. The Opelousas are the next county, The red river 
settlements are higher up as the latitude of the city of 
Natchez. All these are cotton countries. These afford 
a pretty good field for our profession. But if that was 


198 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


the object this city is the best spot in the U.S. A lawyer 
of common talent makes from $4 to sooo several make 
$8 or $10.000 What is understood to be a fee in ordinary 
parlance is $500 They call a good fee $1000 or $1500. 
Intending to visit the river the best season in the year 
is to start the first of September from your house, & 
make the best of your way for Knoxville—if a horse- 
back the shortest way is by Salisbury & Buncombe 
county—if you choose to come in a chair (which may 
be done for I did it without any other difficulty than 
slow movement) go to Salem N.C. & from thence via 
Montgomery & Wyth Court Houses Va. to Knoxville, 
thence to Nashville—-where you will wait for a few 
days for a caravan-—that is to say a few companions to 
cross the Indian Nation. If you bring a servant one or 
two companions are as much as you may desire. If 
you are not in a chair you'll take a pack horse to carry 
provisions. If you do not think it commodious to travel 
on horse back, you'll find that the easiest and surely the 
quickest way. The worst of the road for a chair is 
betwixt Knoxville and Nashville the roads there being 
stony and hilly. Between Nashville and Natchez, a 
distance of about soo miles the road is not bad after you 
cross the Tennessee river. If you are in a chair you 
will however progress much slower & the main incon- 
venience is that you will not be able to get every night 
to a house, & sometimes will have to stop early in the 
afternoon near a good spring, lest you may have no 
water near at your halting place at night, & sleep in 
the woods. I found it necessary to camp out but twice. 
Yet I found the precaution I took of getting a tent 
made at Nashville a very good one. For in the houses 
of the Indians vermin abounds & with my tent I did 
very well in a piazza or near the fodder stack. If you 


MIGRATION 199 


travel in chair you will easily carry a tent—& I advise 
your taking a four gallon keg of water behind the chair. 
I was 20 days from Nashville to Natchez—15 of them 
among the Indians—travelling not more than 25 miles 
a day. Going a horseback you may go from 30 to 35 
very well and be at a half breed’s house almost every 
night. or at a white man’s for there are several such on 
the road. 

October is a good month to cross the Indian country 
for it is generally a dry month & the chief difficulty 
lies in crossing large swamps not causewayed, in w* 
in wet weather one is apt to be mired. Provisions are 
also then abundant, the crops being just housed & a 
man and his horse find plenty of food which is not long 
the case, for the Indians being lazy and improvident are 
soon out of provisions. During this season the road is 
full of travellers a company is easily had. I would not 
however be afraid of going thro alone on the part of 
danger for the Indians are very quiet—but it would be 
a gloomy journey without company. The best security 
against any insult from the Indians is to avoid convers- 
ing with them as much as possible but there are 
[illegible] of their being troublesome—the most dis- 
agreeable thing is to fall in with a drunken party of 
them. 

In the months of July and August the insects are 
very troublesome, a large fly especially called the 
Yellow-Jacket. Swarms of them will sometimes rest 
on a horse and worry him to death. 

If you started in the Spring you might take water at 
Knoxville or Nashville—but then you should endeavor 
to be there about the first of March or April. 

It would be a speedy way to return by water to Nor- 
folk if you pursued your route to New Orleans. 


200 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


If you preferred a Souther[n] rout you might come 
to Athens or Milledgeville in Georgia thence to Col. 
Ben. Hawkins, the Indian Agent among the Creek[s]- 
thence to Fort Stoddart-& thence to Natchez—this 
route is between 2 or 300 miles nearer but you have a 
greater portion of Indian country to travel thro’—the 
nation you pass thro’ are less civilized, the road worst 
and less travelled and the water courses frequent and 
much wider. 

If you do come you must expect to be on the river 
three or four months to view the country right, the 
Mississippi Territory, West Florida down to this city 
then cross the river to the Attakapas. Opelousas, 
Pointe Coupee and red river—you'll find a great variety 
of situations of which you may chuse an agreeable spot. 

I still keep working at my history of N. Carolina I 
am told there may be found in the counties of Albemarle 
Sound a copy of a pamphlet & map printed by order 
of L* Granville at the time of running the line—if you 
come across it get it for me & send it to M. C. Stephens 
the cashier of the Bank of Newbern, my agent. 

They keep me tightly at work here I assure you They 
give me a salary of $2000 and $600 2/3 for my travelling 
expence but they get the worth of the money out of me 
I assure you. For there is not a day in the year that 
the court does not sit somewhere in this territory— One 
of the courts sits 4 months w’thout interruption—I seri- 
ously think to go to the bar. 


MIGRATION 201 


6. PROBLEMS AND PROCEDURE OF MIGRATING 
SLAVEHOLDERS 


Letters of Leonard Covington, 1808-1812, to various persons in Missis- 
sippi. MS. copies in the possession of Mrs. C. G. Brandon, Natchez, 
Miss. 

Covington, who was the owner of Aquasco plantation and other lands 
in Maryland (and incidentally a Member of Congress), finding 
himself considerably in debt, about 1806, and tobacco prices much 
depressed, inquired of prospects in Mississippi Territory from 
friends who had migrated thither, including his brother Alexander. 
Receiving good reports, he organized a band of his neighbors as 
immigrants to Mississippi, and directed his brother to buy a tract 
of the public lands where they might settle together. Finding no 
purchaser at a satisfactory price, Covington retained his Maryland 
plantation and left twenty-six of his slaves to work it under an 
overseer. He sent the balance of his slaves, thirty-six in number, 
to Mississippi, via the Ohio River, in February, 1809. Covington 
himself was appointed lieutenant-colonel in the U.S. army before 
leaving Maryland. He went with his regiment down the Ohio, 
was in service at the capture of Baton Rouge, 1810, and in gar- 
risoning Ft. Stoddard in 1811, etc. He was then recalled to 
Washington, D.C., and was sent on the Detroit campaign. He 
was killed in the battle of Christier’s Field, Canada, 1813. 

(a) Extract from a letter from Aquasco, Md., Aug. 17, 1808, to 
Alexander Covington in Mississippi. 


I find that I can dispose of my Calvert lands, but for 
the present forbear to do so until every information and 
advice is received which I hold to be necessary for en- 
abling me to mature my plans upon a [basis(?)] at 
once extended and profitable. Let me therefore beg 
your thoughts and reflections, upon the following points 
particularly, and in general such other information as 
you may deem useful to my purpose. You have never 
been circumstantial as to the manner and terms of hir- 
ing your people. It would certainly be material to the 
owner of slaves, whether their treatment in many re- 
spects was such as would be desirable, and in what man- 
ner the payments for hirelings were made; if in ad- 
vance, or punctually at the months end. Whether the 
slaves were well fed; and only compelled to work from 


202 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


“sun to sun.” It is possible that so much labor may be 
required of hirelings and so little regard may be had 
for their constitutions as to render them in a few years, 
not only unprofitable, but expensive. In your case, who 
pays the doctor, abides the loss from death or running 
away? Do the negroes in that country generally look 
as happy and contented as with us, and do they as uni- 
versally take husbands and wives and as easily rear their 
young as in Maryland? Would your negroes, think 
you, willingly return to Maryland? Are they satisfied 
with the change and with their treatment. Is the cul- 
ture of cotton much easier, and a more certain crop? 
than our tobaccor Is there any probability that you 
will have any better market for your cotton than we 
shall have for our tobacco should our differences with 
Europe terminate ina war? Will this not depend upon 
the progress of manufactures in this country? Is the ex- 
pense of making a cotton crop, where a man has hands 
of his own, considerable? What seems to be the current 
price of horses, cattle, &c., &c. The expense of cloth- 
ing must be less than in a more northern climate. On 
lands of the U.S., such as you would like to purchase, 
what would be the probable expense of rough buildings 
and clearing for a small crop, say for ten or twelve 
hands? What time would such a preparation take? 
Fruit—is it abundant and well flavored, &c., &c? What 
seems to be the usual fare or allowance for working ne- 
groes, where a planter has a good many, from ten to 20, 
for example? Have you any sudden or great changes 
from heat to cold, and do you suffer as much from 
droughts or violent falls of rain as with us? I havea 
thousand more questions in my head, but pushed for 
time just now, must hope that you will say everything 
that I could ask, not forgetting politicks, the state of 


MIGRATION 203 


religion, if there be much amongst you. As to dealings 
generally, are the folks pretty punctual, or is there 
much use for lawyers? Have you found the summer 
sun more intolerable than in this climate? Has the 
thermometer been at a greater degree of heat than 85 or 
86, what we experience about the latter end of June? 
(b) Extract from a letter from Aquasco, Aug. 7, 1808, to Capt. Jas. 
T. Magruder, Washington, Miss. 

I am sorry that the prices and titles of land seem for 
the present in some measure to obstruct your plans, but 
it appears to me that your time cannot be illy spent un- 
der your existing arrangement, and possibly a purchase 
of lands, under existing circumstances could not be 
made to so great advantage as when the public office 
for the sale of lands shall be established, and as when 
the political horizon shall have been cleared of its pres- 
ent gloomy bodements. You mention that cash is 
scarce and cannot be had for produce (Cotton). I 
should think that this consideration alone would decide 
the preference in favor of your present plan of hiring 
your negroes, to that of cultivating the soul at your own 
expense and risk, if indeed the wages for hirelings are 
regularly and promptly paid up, (but of this neither of 
you have given particulars) and if the treatment in all 
respects to the slaves are such as we ought to wish for. 
Indeed I am extremely anxious to be informed of all 
these particular matters, and to have your full opinion 
and advice as to the propriety of my removing to that 
country, for I seriously assure (tho’ I know you will be 
started at the assurance) you that I am at this moment 
earnestly employed in making arrangements to that end. 
I am now negotiating for the sale of the whole of my 
Calvert lands, with a full view to an investment and set- 
tlement in your country. Our friend Rawlings and my- 


204. AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


self have certainly got our affairs in such a train that I 
really think it probable that we shall set out this fall, 
and winter in the lower part of Kentucky, but possibly 
we may be delayed until the following spring. I will 
briefly give you the reasons which have moved me to the 
desire and resolution above advised you of, and again 
repeat my request that you will both favor me with 
your opinion and advice. In the first place, I find it 
will be extremely difficult, if not impossible, for me to 
meet all my pecuniary engagements, and to sink the 
debt incurred for the purchase of my lands. The inter- 
est upon 5 or 6 thousand dollars, under our present and 
apparent future commercial embarrassments, is really 
of itself not a slight matter, then no other means are to 
be found for its extinction than the uncertain and 
fluctuating one of a tobacco crop, which I verily be- 
lieve has seen very much its best days. Add to this con- 
sideration the little chance I should have of adding to 
my property with my present prospect for a growing 
and large family, which must necessarily begin to be 
very expensive, and again, should a war with G. Britain 
terminate our present political disputes with that na- 
tion, I cannot but dread the predatory incursions 
which their naval superiority could enable them to 
make, when my little all would be entirely ex- 
posed to their merciless depredations, and, lastly, 
the negroes which I contemplate to take with me 
(amounting to 25, out of which 19 may be hired or 
worked to advantage) at the prices you have hired 
yours at, will be infinitely more productive in my ex- 
pectations of compassing about $3000., and your advice 
will bear me out in it, I have it in contemplation to car- 
ry out with me some Io or 15 families who are urgent 
in their requests for me to enlist them in my service of 


MIGRATION 205 


clearing and cultivating such lands as I may make pur- 
chase of. I mean not to defray their expenses; this they 
can do themselves (such men as Billy Watson, J. Letch- 
worth, H. Watson, etc., etc.) but they want a con- 
ductor and some place to settle upon when they shall 
have reached their place of destination with exhausted 
pockets and anxious minds. With a view to the per- 
manence of my plans, I have to beg that you will cause 
your people (several of them at least) to write favor- 
able accounts of their situation, and of the country, 
etc., etc. Sam is now in the hire of W. B. Ellis, but I 
still have hopes that some means will be found to 
forward him to you. At any rate, should I be with 
you the next Spring, something to your satisfaction 
shall be done. 
(c) Extract of a letter from Aquasco, Jan. 16, 1809, to Levin Wailes, 

in Mississippi. 

Your most welcome and interesting favor 
mentioned above, certainly holds out the strongest in- 
ducements for my removal to that country, and in truth 
my mind has been set upon this object for months past. 
Arrangements are in a state of preparation to this end, 


and a recent appointment from Government of Lieut. 
Col. of Light Dragoons, with a direction to that quar- 
ter, would greatly facilitate my movements, yet my 
friend, there are innumerable difficulties in my way, 
and I hesitate as to the acceptance or non-acceptance 
of this highly honorable commission. The reluctance 
of my better half on the score of a military engagement, 
added to heavy pecuniary embarrassments, make my 
movements somewhat uncertain! I have had my Cal- 
vert lands for a long time in market, and at present am 
in treaty for the sale of a part, and should I surmount 
even a part of my difficulties, you may expect me. 


206 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Say to my dear brother I have never lost sight of 
the fond hope of enjoying his society and of participat- 
ing in his pleasures and infelicities, for such we expect 
in this life. My calculations are on the subject of remov- 
al, to send my hands off in March or April, and follow 
after in June, via Tennessee. ‘This arrangement is 
necessary on account of Becca’s situation who expects 
a little one in April. 

(d) Extract of a letter from Aquasco, Feb. 15, 1809, to Alexander 

Covington. 

Your wishes as signified some time since, as 
to an exchange of Sam for a negro girl, as also the con- 
version of your bonds into such property, has had my 
particular attention and I fear there will be difficulty 
in the execution from the failure of several efforts 
already made, but you may rely upon my best exer- 
tions. I am at present in negotiation with Mr. Chas. 
Smith near Benedict for the exchange of Sam but have 
not much prospect of success on tolerable terms. Sam 
himself maintains a sullen silence on the subject and © 
neither yields consent to accompany my people, or to be 
sold or exchanged. I apprehend some trouble from 
him, but shall certainly make some disposition of him, 
which I hope will meet with your approbation. 

Of all the devils that ever did beset a man in this 
life the want of money, in my present situation, is surely - 
the most troublesome one. Not one cent can be had 
either from debtors or speculators. ‘Two crops of 
tobacco on hand and 200 bbls. of corn, but all wont 
do. One of my Calvert farms is leased out for three 
years, and Famore’s Neck is still in the market, and I . 
have now a renewed prospect of making sale, but let 
this business end as it may, I consider the die is cast, 
and, God willing, our folks will be down upon you 


MIGRATION 207 


the early part of June. Our friend Rawlings was here 
a day or two ago and has his arrangements in a certain 
state of forwardness, having actually sold out his in- 
terest in the Ducket Estate to the Judge, and in a few 
days will embrace $1500, which with 16 or 18 negroes 
will give him a bold start. As to myself, I repeat that 
I must be off, having accepted of a military commission 
(Lt. Col. of Lt. Dragoons). I consider the Rubicon 
passed. My present arrangements with the War De- 
partment will however, I hope, enable me to remain 
here or hereabouts until my better self shall be in a 
plight to accompany me. She promises an increase of 
family sometime in April, after which event, as soon 
as may be, we shall break ground (via Tennessee) des- 
cend the Cumberland or pass the Wilderness. 

You will no doubt have heard of the appointment 
of our friend W. D. Beall to the same rank as myself 
in the infantry and I expect you will ere long hear of 
him in that quarter. General Wilkinson is now on his 
way to Orleans by water with a good number of newly 
appointed and newly recruited soldiers, and will com- 
mand in that quarter in person. Pray look on our 
chances of settling in your neighborhood, and suffer 
not our worthy ones, Capt. M. and Mrs. W. to go 
astray. We must keep together if possible; but more of 
this anon. We shall need all of your aid upon the arrival 
of our people at the Natchez, who will be sent under 
charge of careful friends, such for example as Mr. T. 
Rawlings, A. Steele, &c. J thank you for advice touch- 
ing certain necessary purchases in Pennsylvania or Ken- 
tucky, and shall endeavor to profit by it. I should 
most gladly purchase such mechanics as you recom- 
mend, but in truth negroes here are comparatively 
scarce and exceedingly dear. 


208 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


In detailing to you some of the particulars of neigh- 
borhood occurrences, I perform a most melancholy 
duty when I announce the death of our dear relation 
and worthy friend Mr. Levin Mackall of H P. 
and Mr. Jno. Marlow of Matoponi. Worthy souls. 
They have but recently gone to that bourne from which 
no traveler has ever returned. ‘Trust they have ex- 
changed the troubles and cares of mortality for a world 
of rest and enjoyment. 

The times are tough, but in other respects the good 
folks jog on as usual. The following is a list of my 
people, [i.e. slaves] such as go and such as stay: 


FOR MISSISSIPPI FOR AQUASCO 
Watt 32 Tom 36 Nick 50° Ned 24 
Bess 24 Salisbury 32 Jack 22 Tabs 22 
Dick 17 Moses 15 Bob 34 Nancy 46 
Phill 12 Major 10 Pegg 20 Betsy 18 
Dyche 35 Carolina 19 Isaac ciete Grace 5 
Sal 10 Tom 5 Kitty 6 Charles 6 
Pool 6 Nick 5 Charles 3 Nell 2 
Hanna 1 Rachel 22 Henry 2mos. Christy 32 
Ben 3. John I Flora 5 Nell 30 
Jenny 26 Eliza 3 Nick 30° Dine 26 
Nat 1 Jim II Nancy 5 Sophia 2 
Rachel 11 Clem 9 Lucy 34 Joe I 
Tom 7 Cesar 5 Fanny Moll 
Dasy 3 Cilla 12 
Bessie II George 9 
Flora 5 


(e) Extract of a letter from D. Rawlings and L. Covington, George- 
town, Md., March 6, 1809, to Alexander Covington and Jas. T. 
Magruder, Mississippi. 


i: This flows from Col. Covington and myself 
to our friends A. C. and J. T. Magruder, separately 
and collectively. 

All difficulties are now surmounted and with the in- 


MIGRATION 209 


dulgence of Heaven a part of our families will be off 
for the Mississippi Territory the 1st week in April, to 
be followed by ourselves, dear wives and children in 
June, or the latter part of the summer, if the Col. can 
make terms with the God of War, so as to secure delay 
until the hot months shall have passed away. Rich’d 
Skinner, John Steele and Thos. Rawlings will descend 
the Ohio with our people from Redstone, whither we 
shall attend them in person. We are now in this place 
together on a purchase of goods, and arrangements per- 
taining to the solemn task before us. 

Regarding your friendship and judgment, we submit 
to you for preparation and arrangements for the recep- 
tion of our negroes at a time which your own calcula- 
tions may indicate, reckoning from the period intimated 
for out set out from our doors, and for their engage- 
ments, your experience will point out a mode far better 
than any plans we would possibly advise. That on this 
score the acts of our friends will be conclusive. L. 
Covington being obliged to continue on to Orleans, 
will perhaps leave Mrs. C. for awhile in Washington, 
where D. R. will certainly take residence till purchase 
and improvements can be made to advantage. If houses 
are not to be obtained in Washington with care and 
certainty at any time, it will be subject of consideration 
for you to determine the propriety of availing yourself 
of the first you can obtain, to commence a rent say in 
September; or, perhaps, one may be gotten immediately 
and a tenant put in it, subject to removal on our arrival. 
One house can contain us for a short period. 

(f) Letter from L. Covington, Georgetown, April 25, 1809, to A. 

Covington, Washington, Miss. 

This will reach you but a little while before our 

friend D. Rawlings, who is 12 days on his journey to 


210 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


the waters of the Ohio. In a very few more, by the 
blessings of Providence he will have embarked at 
Brownsville (Redstone old fort) for the Natchez, 
where we hope for your preparation to receive him and 
family, together with about 50 black people. In my 
flock there are 35, two of whom are yours, as I have 
before apprized you, viz. Dick, a lad received in ex- 
change for your Sam, and a negro girl, Ally, bought 
for you of Mr. Watson, 13 years of age. She cost 240 
dollars, of which particular I know not that I have 
apprized you. One other of my gang, Charles, belongs 
to General Joseph Wilkinson, and with whom I wish 
you to act as with one of my own. Negro Rachel and 
two children (wife and children to my man Watt) I 
wish to be kept in employment as my own until a better 
disposition can be made of them, so that they may re- 
fund to me the expenses consequent upon their outfit 
and journey to that country. I have so repeatedly of 
late apprized you of our wishes, intentions and move- 
ments in relation to this enterprise, that it would be 
unnecessary to press you with particulars. Let us hope 
that you will not find so much trouble in making such 
arrangements and disposition for and with my people 
as may render them in such way and degree profitable 
as may reimburse and compensate me for my sacrifices 
here and my trouble and expense in conducting them to 
that land of promise. In truth I have fondly flattered 
myself that my estate in your country (should it please 
God the people arrive safe) will be far more profitable 
and more considerable than that I leave in Maryland; 
but I have to regret that so much of the trouble in the 
first stages of preparation should be imposed upon my 
friends. I am however in some degree consoled that 
should you need assistance, our friends Magruder and 


MIGRATION 211 


perhaps Wailes will be at hand and will willingly give 
their aid. Dr. R. cannot fail to be most welcome and 
useful to your society, yet he too, will no doubt need 
your friendly advice and assistance. B. Ellis who goes 
with my people will be entitled to my consideration, 
and I pray you give to him thy patronage; if possible 
find him employment, and let my old man Isaac work 
with him at his trade, if you shall think it advisable 
to do so. Ellis will be indebted to me about $80 or 
$90 and employment will be my only chance for re- 
muneration. To our mutual and worthy friend I shall 
owe a heavy debt of gratitude for his care and attention 
to my people on so long and so fatiguing a journey; 
let it therefore be your first care to make such means 
as I may have in your protection, subservient to his 
convenience. He may want waiters about his house, or 
nurses for his dear family of infants. We have sent 
only one trunk, the key of which Mrs. R. will deliver 
to his sister Harriet, in which some furniture for beds, 
&c., &c., will be found. Use all and everything to thy 
and our friend’s wishes until we unite with thee. At 
present my going is uncertain. Becca is still in a state 
of expectation at Galilee, and my dependence upon 
public men still adds to the uncertainty. 

You will no doubt have heard and rejoiced at the 
settlement of our differences with G. Britain. This 
circumstance has given rise to great expectations in 
flour, but as yet has had no effect upon the price of 
tobacco. In what way it will operate upon the Gallic 
Emperor, or what effect it may have upon continental 
Europe is but a subject of speculation which only time 
can elucidate. 

I have repeatedly and circumstantially related to you 
the result of our endeavor to purchase Parson, Gantt’s 


hig AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


negro; it is now only necessary to add that a Power of 
Att’y is now on the way for you as I have been a few 
days since informed. 

God bless you and yours, and all friends. 

(g) Extract of a letter from same to same, dated Galilee, Md., July 

22, 1809. 

I wish you had given me the names of those my 
people that you had not been able to hire; pray be par- 
ticular on this head as every circumstance which can 
tend to shew the prospective gain or the hopes of ob- 
taining comfortable quarters in that country, both for 
whites and blacks, will not a little facilitate my plans 
here; for the blacks, the idea of contentment and the 
assurance of good living is everything; for the former, 
those hopes of gain on easy terms and at short periods, 
will stimulate to anything. 

Will a deficiency of crops be the result of the drought 
you complain of? I trust that you have not underrated 
your present prospects, and that the proceeds of your 
labor will not disappoint your expectations; but are not 
$2000 small earnings for your force? Did your “hire 
list” amount to nearly that sum. 

Why has friend R. allowed us to remain so long 
in suspense concerning his negro man who fled from 
him at Pittsburg? It was of sufficient interest with all 
his friends to be anxious about his recovery. How does 
the matter stand, and what has become of Cartwright 
and his Golden Dreams? 

I wish I had the time to touch on the subject of 
politicks, yet I will look a little to its effects. In every 
view of the subject, its bearings upon our feelings and 
our pecuniary interests, I cannot but contemplate it 
with feelings of the deepest interests and with sentiments 
of the profoundest regret. The causes which have lead 


MIGRATION 213 


to our present distressed situation, are ever to be depre- 
cated, and are certainly of the most melancholy cast, 
for I consider our political dissensions, or rather the 
artifice of a certain sect of politicians, of the primary 
cause of the distress which we every day meet with 
among the poorer class of our citizens, particularly 
those who are indebted (both rich and poor), and 
numerous indeed is this class. I believe I am within 
the bounds of truth when I say literally not one cent 
can now be had for tobacco, the only staple of our coun- 
try; the price truly is as flat as a flounder, or as Mathew 
Lyon’s pan cake, nor do I see even a distant prospect 
of better times. The crops now on the ground are far 
exceeding any former year within my recollection when 
and where can we possible get a vent for such a re- 
dundant luxury. That the cotton business may, ere 
long, be as completely overdone as the tobacco, is my 
constant dread; what think you of the matter? and how 
now stands the market and prospects with this article. 
Allow me, before I conclude to repeat my wishes and 
expectations that you will have determined and fixed 
upon some permanent plan and place for our future 
residence, where our union may be cemented by some 
wise scheme of neighborly affiliation. Let your fra- 
ternity embrace all such as are willing, and whose con- 
geniality of mind and temper will insure us an excep- 
tion, from cabals, intrigues, &., &., Go into the woods, 
will be my advise, where we can have elbow room 
without much cost. 


(h) Extract of a letter from same to same, Galilee, Md., Aug. 17, 1809. 

Say to D. Rawlings that I have seen his letters to 
General Bowie and A. Contee, and the impression made 
by their contents is, that he is dissatisfied with the coun- 
try. He tells Contee of the high price of poultry and 


214 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


vegetables and grain, and the scarcity of money and of 
bad living generally. To General Bowie he says that 
he has not yet fixed himself, but designs to cast about 
this Fall for an elligible situation, hence the good folks 
conclude that he wishes himself back again, that he is 
quite disappointed in his expectations and calculations, 
and, because “money is scarce there in Nottingham,” 
and ‘‘Payment for hireling’s wages cannot be had,” the 
wise ones ‘“‘shrewdly suspect” we have made a bad 
business in sending our negroes thither. Pray let him 
put these good folks to rights and not suffer them to 
raise doubts and suspicions in men’s minds for which 
there is no grounds. 

It seems to me that under the present reduced price 
of produce, and upon the chances for better times, (for 
I take it that your cotton market is in the same predica- 
ment with ours for tobacco) difficult to determine what 
would be the best plan to adopt in relation to my settle- 
ment for the ensuing year. To give high prices for 
land rent and the necessary outfit for cultivation, might 
produce pecuniary embarrassment, or at best, yield a 
precarious and scanty profit. To purchase lands would 
produce certain debt with uncertain prospects of pay- 
ment (for I shall not have the last to advance, being 
disappointed in the sale of my Calvert lands; no money 
being to be had, the bargain of course is void). To con- 
tinue the hiring system seems to be liable to very many 
objections. 

(i) Letter from L. Covington, Hancock Town, Md., Oct. 15, 1809, 

to D. Rawlings, Mississippi. 

In a letter to my brother a few days since you are 
apprised of my departure from Galilee for Mississippi. 
I have there said that Mr. Waters’ family would not 
accompany us to your country, being unable to com- 


MIGRATION 215 


mand the requisite stock of cash. Things have however 
eventuated more favorably since, and by express we are 
requested to await his coming and this day we expect 
him and family, bag and baggage, to overtake us. To- 
morrow morning we resume our march and, God 
willing, shall be with you in the early part of December. 
We are, however, under some apprehension on account 
of the state of the western waters: at present we are 
told that the Ohio is impassable, so low are its waters. 
Wheeling is now our aim, and if we find the waters too 
low to set us afloat when we arrive there, we shall prob- 
ably continue our route by land through the states of 
Ohio and Kentucky to Louisville, where there is never a 
want of water. 

Our party will consist of Mr. W. and family, in- 
cluding 5 or 6 negroes, your brother Thomas, James 
Magruder, Sammy Sasscer (my man Friday) Wife, 
five children, five servants and self, with the damnedest 
cavalcade that ever man was burdened with: not less 
than seven horses compose my troop: they convey a 
close carriage (Jersey Stage) a gig and horse cart, so 
that my family are transported with comfort and con- 
venience, though at considerable expense. All these odd 
matters and contrivances I design to take with me to 
Mississippi if possible. Mr. Waters will also take 
down his wagon and team. 

Mr. Waters will be greatly disappointed should you 
not receive. this letter in time to procure for him some 
snug, cheap convenient little tenement; this he begs 
you will do for him if possible or make such other pro- 
vision for him as your better judgment and circum- 
stances may dictate. 


216 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


(j) Letter from L. Covington, Cincinnati, Ohio, Dec. 1, 1809, to A. 
Covington. 


I snatch a hasty moment from the bustle of starting 
and a crowd of engagements to apprise you of my sit- 
uation. This will be handed you by Mr. T. Rawlings, 
or Sammy Sasscer, who is my agent and has charge of 
my horses, to be delivered to your care. I send them 
through by land on account of the low state of the water, 
and to save expense. After a most tedious, difficult and 
laborious voyage from Wheeling we arrived here on 
the 20th Ult. and have been detained in executing cer- 
tain military duties at the Garrison in Newport, but 
shall again weigh anchor to-morrow or the next day 
and again court the favor of the liquid current, which 
still remains unpropitious, from which I anticipate a 
renewal of my difficulties and fatigues. To drag 
through shoals, sandbars and ripples is my dreaded 
fate, but we all meet it with good health and unbroken 
spirits. Look for me about the end of the year and 
make some preparations for the wearied travellers. Our 
preparations in the way of provisions will be trifling. 
The want of room in our boat, and scanty means con- 
fine me to a few hundred pounds of pork and a few 
bbls. of flour. Pray provide for my people so as to 
keep them in motion and in comfort if their earnings 
be adequate. God bless you and all friends. Becca 
most affectionately unites in love and best wishes for 
Sister Harriet and your dear family. 


(k) Letter from same to same, Baton Rouge, La., April 13, 1812. 

I received your favor on Saturday and the passing 
of Col. White affords me an opportunity of replying 
at once. 

Cotton; Cotton; Pray hold on as long as possible. 
Let Greenleaf dwell in his difficulties, and McCullum 


MIGRATION 217 


speculate, in fancy feed upon airy castles and jog on 
in the dull pursuits of civil life. 

Bacon; Bacon; Rely upon it, this indispensable 
article will be cheaper in three or four weeks. Boats 
will be down; they have only been detained from the 
fear of the earth quake, and by the ist of June, rely 
upon it, we shall have an abundance of such indis- 
pensable articles as we may want. 

I would to God that I could say when I shall be 
relieved from this disagreeable duty; at present all is 
doubt and uncertainty, and from prospects I may be 
detained here 2 or 3 weeks. 

(1) Business memorandum left by General Covington with his brother 

in 1812. 

Make a payment to Greenleaf in negroes at $1100 if 
possible, and receive Bullet’s note to be applied towards 
an establishment for my negroes the ensuing year. Dr. 
Rawlings will pay $41.00 toward the settlement of my 
taxes the present year. Negroes, Jack and Maria are 
hired to Mr. John Newman at $19.50 per month. John’s 
hire commences on the 1st and Maria’s on the 6th May 
inst. having settled with Mr. Newman to the rst of 
May, and have received of him Capt. Magruder’s note 
for $64.00, (including interest) paid in advance for 
the hire of Jack and Maria, who are to remain with 
him until Xmas. 

I have intimations that McCallum will buy a negro 
of me; this is very desirable if he will give a fair price. 
Coln. Wood’s debt may be met with Capt. Magruder’s 
notes, due in Jany, if things can be so managed. 

I shall leave $100 with wife for the purchase of little 
necessaries, but she suggests that a part might be laid 
out in bagging and cordage to advantage at the present 
reduced price of those articles. 


218 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


You will please give unto such terms with McCullam 
as you may deem expedient and best for my interest, 
if he will continue another year. There is a balance 
due from J. Magruder of $15.00 or $16.00 which you 
may settle for when you settle up. He has mentioned 
the subject to me and offered his due bill. 

In all cases whatever you and wife may do will be 
perfectly satisfactory. 


XVIII. FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 


1. PIONEERING IN THE HEROIC STAGE, KENTUCKY 


Extracts from the journal of Col. Richard Henderson. MS. in the 
possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, Draper Collection, 
CC, vol. i, 23 ff. 


Monday, March 20, 1775. Having finished my 
treaty with the Indians at Wataugah, set out for Louisa, 
and arrived at John Shelby’s in the evening. 

- Tuesday, 21st. Went to Mr. John Sevier’s in com- 
pany of Col. Williams and Col. Hart, and staid that 
day. 

Wednesday, 22d. Messrs Williams and Hart set 
off home, and [ staid with Mr. Sevier. 

Thursday, 23d. Still at Mr. Sevier’s—N.B.—because 
our horses were lost. Though not uneasy, as Messrs 
Hart and Luttrell made a poor hand of travelling. 

Friday, 24th. Set off in pursuit of Mr. Hart and 
Luttrell. Overtook them both and lodged at Capt. 

- Bledsoe’s. 

Saturday, 25th. Came to Mr. Calliway’s. 

Sunday, 26th. Staid there. 

Monday, 27th. Employed in storing away goods. . . 

Thursday, 30th. Arrived at Capt. Martins, in 
Powell’s Valley. 

Friday, 31st. Employed in making a house to se- 
cure the waggons, as we could not possibly clear the 
road any farther—N.B. My wagon and Sam’! Hender- 
son’s came up, also Mr. Luttrell in the evening. 

Wednesday [April], sth. Started off with our pack- 


220 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


horses, about 3 o’clock. ‘Travelled about five miles, to 
a large spring. The same evening Mr. Luttrell went 
out a hunting, and has not yet returned. The same 
evening Sam’! Henderson’s and John Farrar’s horses 
took a scare with their packs, running away with the 
same, saddle and bridle. Farrar’s saddle-bags, and 
other things damaged. Next morning Sam’! Henderson 
and Farrar went in pursuit of their horses, saddles, 
etc. The same evening John Farrar returned to our 
camp with news that they had found all their goods; 
but two of their horses were missing. 

Thursday, 6th. Sent John Farrar back with provi- 
sions to meet and assist Sam’! Henderson, with orders 
to stay with him till they overtook us, as we promised 
to wait for them at the Cumberland Gap. 

Friday, 7th. Sam’l Henderson and John Farrar re- 
turned to us, with their horses, packs, and every thing 
safe, we having waited at our camp, ten miles below 
Martin’s for them. 

Saturday, 8th. Started about ro o’clock.—Crossed 
Cumberland Gap about four miles—Met about forty 
persons returning from the Cantuckey on account of the 
late murder by the Indians. Could prevail on one only 
to return. Mem. Several Virginians who were with 
us returned. 

Sunday, 9th. Arrived at Cumberland river, where 
we met Robt. Wills and his son returning. 

Monday, toth. (April 1775) Dispatched Capt. 
Cocke to the Cantuckey to inform Capt. Boone that we 
were on the road. Continued at camp that day on ac- 
count of the badness of the weather. 

Tuesday, 11th. Started from Cumberland—made a 
very good day’s travel of near twenty miles. Killed 
beet, etc. 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 221 


Wednesday, 12th. Travelled about 5 miles. Pre- 
vented going any farther by the rains and the high 
waters at Richland Creek. 

Thursday, 13th. Last night arrived near our camp. 
Stewart and ten other men camped within half a mile 
of us, on their return from Louisa. Camped that night 
at Lorrel River. They had well nigh turned three or 
four of our Virginians back. 

Friday, 4th. Travelled about twelve miles to a camp. 

Saturday, 15. Travelled about eighteen miles, and 
camped on the north of Rock-Castle River: This river 
is a fork of the Cumberland. Lost an axe this morning 
at camp. 

Sunday 16th. About 12 o’clock met James McAfee 
with eighteen other persons returning from Cantuckey. 
Travelled about twenty-two miles, and camped on the 
head of Dick’s River where Luna from McAfee’s camp 
came to us resolved to go to the Louisa. 

Monday, 17th. Started about 3 o’clock. Prevented 
by rain. Travelled seven miles. 

Tuesday, 18th. Travelled about sixteen miles. Met 
Michael Stoner with pack-horses to assist us. Camped 
that night in the eye of the rich land. Stoner brought 
us excellent beef in plenty. 

Wednesday, 19th. Travelled about sixteen miles. 
Camped on Otter Creek.—a good mill-place. 

Thursday, 20th. Arrived at Fort Boone, on the 
mouth of Otter Creek, Cantuckey River, where we 
were saluted by a running fire of about twenty-five guns 
—all that were then at the fort. The men appeared in 
high spirits, and much rejoiced on our arrival. 

On viewing the Fort and finding the plann not suffi- 
cient to admit of building for the reception of our com- 
pany, and a scarcity of ground suitable for clearing at 


A919 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


such an advanced season, was at some loss how to pro- 
ceed. Mr. Boone’s company, having laid off most of 
the adjacent good land into lots of two acres each, and 
taking it as it fell to each individual by lot, were in ac- 
tual possession and occupying them. After some per- 
plexity resolved to erect a fort on the opposite side of a 
large lick near the river bank, which would place us at 
the distance of about three hundred yards from the 
fort—the only commodious place where we could be of 
of any service to Boone’s men, or vice versa. 

On communicating my thought to Mr. Luttrell on 
this subject, with my reasons for preferring this place 
to a large spring over a hill, at three quarters of a mile 
from Fort Boone, he readily gave his assent, and 
seemed pleased with the choice. Mr. Hart said, in a 
very cold, indifferent manner, ‘he thought it might do 
well enough.’ Accordingly ’twas resolved, that a fort 
should be built on said place, etc.-Moved our tents to 
the ground—i.e. Mr. Luttrell and myself and our parti- 
cular companies lodged there Saturday night. 

Sunday, 23d. Remained at camp. Passed the day 
without public worship—nothing of that kind having 
been put in practice before, and ourselves much at 
sixes and sevens and no place provided for that purpose. 

Saturday, 22nd. Finished running off all the lots we 
could conveniently get—to wit, fifty-four, and gave no- 
tice of our intention of having them drawn for in the 
evening. But as Mr. Robert McAfee, his brother 
Samuel, and some more, were not well satisfied whether 
they would draw or not, wanting to go down the river 
about fifty miles, near Capt. Harrod’s settlement, where 
they had begun improvements, and left them on the late 
alarm; and being informed by myself in hearing of all 
attending, that such settlement should not entitle them 


‘ FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 225 


to lands, etc., from us, and appearing much concerned 
and at a loss what to do, on which the lottery was de- 
ferred till next morning at sunrise; thereby giving them 
time to come to a resolution. 

Sunday, 23d. Drawed lots, etc. Spent the day with- 
out public worship. : 

Wednesday, 26th. Other people coming, employed 
in showing lots for their use. Sowed small seed, 
planted cucumbers, etc. 

Thursday, 27th. Employed in clearing fort lot, etc. 

Wednesday, 3rd. Finished the magazine.—Capt. 
John Floyd arrived here, conducted by one Jo Drake 
from a camp on Dick’s river, where he had left about 
thirty men of his company from Virginia; and said he 
was sent by them to know on what terms they might 
settle our lands. That if it was reasonable they would 
pitch on some place on which to make corn, or otherwise 
go on the north side of the river. Was much at a loss 
on account of this gentleman’s arrival, and message as 
he was surveyor of Fincastle under Col. Preston, a man 
who had exerted himself against us, and said and did 
everything in his power and invention, as I am in- 
formed, to defeat our enterprise and bring it into con- 
tempt. "Tis said, that he not only had our case repre- 
sented, or rather misrepresented, to Lord Dunmore, but 
actually wrote to Governor Martin on the subject. This 
man (Capt. Floyd.) appeared to have a great share of 
modesty, an honest, open countenance, and no small 
share of good sense, pleading in behalf of himself and 
his whole company; among which were, one Mr. 
Dandridge, (son of Nat. West Dandridge of Virginia) 
and one Mr. Todd, two gentlemen of the Law in their 
own parts, and several other young gentlemen of good 
families. We thought it most advisable to secure them 


224 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


to our interest, if possible, and not show the least dis- 
trust of the intentions of Capt. Floyd—on whom we 
intend to keep a very strict watch. 

Accordingly, though the season was too far advanced 
to make much com, yet we promised them land, etc.,— 
1000 acres to the principal gentlemen on the temms of 
Henderson & Company. This we should not have done, 
but for the scarcity of men and the doubt with respect to 
the Virginians coming into our measures, acknowledg- 
ing title, etc. 

We restrained these men to settle somewhere in a 
compact body for mutual defence, and to be obedient to 
such laws as should from time to time be made for the 
government of all the adventurers on our purchase; and 
gave them leave to make choice of any lands not before 
marked by any of our men, or a certain Captain Harrod 
and his men who have settled somewhere about fifty 
miles west of us, on the head of Salt River, and of whom 
we could form no conjecture, but thought it best to pre- 
vent any interruption to him or his men till we should 
know what he intended with respect to us and our title. 

The day before this, one Capt. Collomees and Mr. 
Berry, with five other men, arrived here from Frederick 
or somewhere in the north-west frontiers of Virginia. 
They had heard nothing of our purchase when they 
left home, but merely set off to view this country, etc. 
Hearing of us with our pretensions they thought prop- 
er to come, though they seemed not very conversable; 
and I thought I could discover in our first intercourse a 
kind of sullen dissatisfaction and reserve, which plainly 
indicated a selfish opinion to our disadvantage. This 
after some time, wore off, and they gladly treated with 
us for lands and other indulgences, which we granted. 

Thursday, 4th. (may, 1775) Capt. Floyd retumed 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT Bia. 


home; seemed highly pleased with gaining his point of 
settling, etc. I must not omit to mention here, that Mr. 
Floyd expressed great satisfaction on being informed 
of the plan we proposed for legislation, and said he 
must most heartily concur in that and every other meas- 
ure we should adopt for the well governing or good of 
the community in general. This plan is exceedingly 
simple, and I hope will prove effectual. *Tis no more 
than the people’s sending delegates to act for them in 
general convention. 

Friday, sth. Nothing material. Let Mr. Wm. 
Cocke have five yards and a half oznaburgs off my old 
tent, for which I charge him ss. 6d. V. money. 

Saturday, 6th. Lived onas usual. Very little of Mr. 
Hart’s company. He keeps much to himself-—scarcely 
social. 

Sunday, 7th, (May 1775). Went into the woods 
with my brothers, Nat. and Samuel, and Capt. Boone, 
after a horse left out on Saturday night. Staid till 
night and on our return found Capt. Harrod and Col. 
Thomas Slaughter, from Harrodstown on Dicks River. 
Col. Slaughter and Harrod seemed very jocose, and in 
great good humor. 

Monday, 8th. Rainy—Was much embarassed with 
a dispute between the above mentioned gentlemen. 
Capt. Harrod with about 40 men settled on Salt River 
last year; was drove off; joined the army with thirty of 
his men; and being determined to live in the country, 
had come down this spring from Monongohala, accom- 
panied by about fifty men, most of them young persons 
without families. They came on Harrod’s invitation. 
These men had got possession some time before we got 
here, and I could not certainly learn on what terms or 
pretence they meant to hold land; and was doubtful that 


226 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


so large a body of lawless® people from habit and ed- 
ucation, would give us great trouble and require the ut- 
most exertion of our abilities to manage them; and, not 
without considerable anxiety and some fear, wished for 
an intercourse, with Capt. Harrod, who, I understood, 
was chief and had all the men in that quarter under his 
absolute direction and command. But was soon unde- 
ceived as to this point. Though these gentlemen were 
friendly to each other, and open in all their conduct, 
they were warm advocates and champions for two dif- 
ferent parties. A schism had raised between Harrod’s 
men, whom he had brought down the Ohio with him, 
and those from divers parts of Virginia and elsewhere, 
amounting to about fifty in number on both sides. 
Harrod’s men being first on the spot, claimed a priority 
of choice; and had they have stopped there, the dispute 
would scarcely ever had existed, for the others seemed 
willing to give into such a preference. But the com- 
plaint laid before us by Col. Slaughter, in behalf of the 
other men, and on which we were to decide, was, that 
Harrod’s men had not contented themselves with the 
choice of one tract of land apiece, but had made it their 
entire business to ride through the country, mark every 
piece of land they thought proper built cabins, or 
rather, hog-pens, to make their claims notorious at the 
place, and by that means had secured every good spring 
in a country of twenty odd miles in length and almost as 
broad. That, though it was in those parts one entire 
good tract of land, and no advantage in choice except as 
to water, yet it was unjustly depriving them of every 
essential inducement to their settling in the country. 
That, for their own part, after giving up, that Capt. 
Harrod should, as to himself have any indulgence, that 


® They were chiefly raised on Mononga where no law had ever extended, or the right to 
the soil been determined. 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 227 


his men might make a choice for himself first; and then, 
that they might come in for the second choice. This 
was strenuously urged by their advocate, Colonel 
Slaughter, a sensible and experienced old gentleman—a 
man of good family and connexions, and a great friend 
to our country, and with this farther in his favor, that 
the men he appeared for, had, from their first assem- 
bling together at Harrodsburg, in obedience to our writ- 
ten declaration respecting encouraging settlers in our 
country, industriously employed themselves in clearing 
land and making ready for as large a crop of corn as pos- 
sible, depending on a punctual performance on our 
part. That Capt. Harrod’s men had totally neglected 
to do any thing that way, there being at this time in 
Harrods settlement at the Boiling Spring, six miles 
from Harrodsburg, not more than three acres cleared 
and ready to be planted, and that for the Captain only; 
whilst in less time with the same number of hands, they 
had somewhere between sixty and eighty. 

Fair and clear as this case was in favor of Slaughter’s 
men, upon every principle of justice and our own ex- 
press declaration in writing, we were afraid to deter- 
mine in favor of the right side; and not being capable, 
if we could have wished it, to give a decree against 
them, our embarassment was exceedingly great. Much 
depended on accommodating the matter, which we dare 
not offer. The day favored us, being rainy, and caused 
them to spend it with us, by which means we had it in 
our power to get better acquainted with the opposite 
gentlemen, and give a turn to the dispute for the pres- 
ent, trusting to a future day, and hoping that some con- 
ciliating measures would be offered and agreed to by 
themselves. 

To divert the debate on the foregoing occasion, and 


228 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


draw them a little off so disagreeable a subject, the 
lawless condition we were in, and the want of some such 
thing, made the subject conversation, mixed with oc- 
casional matters—It answered the end. Our plan of 
legislation, the evils pointed out, the remedies to be ap- 
plied, etc., etc., were acceded to without hesitation.— 
The plan was plain and simple; ’twas nothing novel in 
its essence; a thousand years ago it was in use, and found 
by every year’s experience since to be unexceptionable. 
We were in four distinct settlements. Members or del- 
egates from every place, by free choice of individuals, 
they having first entered into writings solemnly binding 
themselves to obey and carry into execution such laws 
as representatives should from time to time make, con- 
curred with by a majority of the proprietors present in 
the country. 

The reception this plan met with from these gentle- 
men, as well as Capt. Floyd, a leading man in Dicks 
River settlement, gave us great pleasure; and therefore 
we immediately set about the business. Appointed 
Tuesday, the 23d instant, at Boonsborough, and accord- 
ingly made out writings for the different towns to sign; 
and wrote to Capt. Floyd, appointing an election, etc. 
Harrodsburgh and the Boiling Spring settlement re- 
ceived their summons verbally by the gentlemen afore- 
said. 
Tuesday, 9th. (May 1775) Col. Slaughter and Capt. 
Harrod took their departure in great good humor, and 
apparently well satisfied. Our plantation business went 
on as usual; some people planting, others preparing, 
etc._We found it very difficult at first, and indeed yet, to 
stop great waste in killing meat. Many men were ig- 
norant of the woods, and not skilled in hunting, by 
which means some would get lost, others, and indeed at 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 229 


all times, shoot, cripple and leave the game, without be- 
ing able to get much, tho’ always able to keep from 
want, and some times good store by them. Others of 
wicked and wanton disposition, would kill three, four, 
five, or half a dozen buffaloes, and not take half a 
horse-load from them all. These evils we endeavored 
to prevent, but found it not practicable; many com- 
plaining that they were too poor to hire hunters, others 
loved it much better than work; and some who knew 
little of the matter, but conceited, from having a hunt- 
ing-shirt, tomahawk and gun, thought it an insult to of- 
fer another to hunt for him, especially as pay was to be 
made. 

For want of a little obligatory law, or some restrain- 
ing authority, our game soon, nearly as soon as we got 
here, if not before, was drove very much. Fifteen or 
twenty miles was as short a distance as our good hunters 
thought of getting meat, nay, sometimes they were ob- 
liged to go thirty, though by chance once or twice a 
week, a buffalo was killed within five or six miles. 

Tuesday, [| May], 16th. Continue eating meat with- 
out bread, and should be very contented, were it not for 
the absence of four men who went down the river by 
land, on Friday sennight, to bring up the goods left by 
Capt. Callomees at the mouth of Elkhorn, about fifty 
or sixty miles below. 

Wednesday, 17th. Hunters not returned. 

Thursday, No meat but fat bear meat. Almost 
starved—drank a little coffee, and trust to luck for 
dinner. Am just going to our little plant patches, in 
hopes the greens will bear cropping; if so, a sumptuous 
dinner indeed. No meat but fat bear and a little spoiled 
buffaloe and elk, which we made out with pretty well, 
depending on amendment tomorrow. 


230 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


2. VIRGINIA FRONTIER, 1715 


Extracts from the journal of John Fontaine, printed in Ann Maury’s 
Memoirs of a Huguenot Family (New York, 1853), 264-276. 


. . Wecontinued on to the other side of the river, 
hie is King and Queen County. At eleven of the 
clock we mounted our horses, and went this day to Mr. 
Baylor’s, where we put up, and were well entertained. 
He lives upon Mattapony River, and is one of the great- 
est dealers for tobacco in the country. . . 

[Nov.] 12th. [1715] About seven of the clock we 
breakfasted; about nine, a servant of Mr. Moor’s 
brought me my horse to Mr. Baylor’s and at eleven we 
took our leave, and continued on our way. The day 
very windy. We see by the side of the road an Indian 
cabin, which was built with posts put into the ground, 
the one by the other as close as they could stand, and 
about seven feet high, all of an equal length. It was 
built four-square, and a sort of roof upon it, covered 
with the bark of trees. They say it keeps out the rain 
very well. The Indian women were all naked, only a 
girdle they had tied around the waist, and about a yard 
of blanketing put between their legs, and fastened one 
end under the forepart of the girdle, and the other be- 
hind. Their beds were mats made of bulrushes upon 
which they lie, and have one blanket to cover them. All 
the household goods was a pot. 

We continued on our road, and saw several squirrels, 
and were on horseback till ten of the clock at night, and 
then arrived at Mr. Robert Beverly’s house, which they 
reckon from Mr. Baylor’s thirty miles. The roads very 
good. Here we were well received. 

13th. It being blowy and showery weather we re- 
mained here. After breakfast we went to see Mr. Bev- 
erly’s vineyards. This Beverly is the same that made 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT Dae i 


the History of Virginia. When we were in his vineyard 
we saw the several sorts of vines which are natural, and 
grow here in the woods. This vineyard is situated up- 
on the side of a hill, and consists of about three acres of 
land; he assures us that he made this year about four 
hundred gallons of wine. He hath been at great ex- 
penses about this improvement. He hath also caves 
and a wine press; but according to the method they use 
in Spain, he hath not the right method for it, nor his 
vineyard is not rightly managed. He hath several 
plants of French vines amongst them. 

14th. The weather was very bad, and rained hard. 
We were very kindly received. We diverted ourselves 
within doors, and drank very heartily of the wine of his 
own making, which was good; but I found by the taste 
of the wine, that he did not understand how to make it. 
This man lives well; but though rich, he has nothing in 
or about his house but what is necessary. He hath 
good beds in his house, but no curtains; and instead of 
cane chairs, he hath stools made of wood. He lives 
upon the product of his land. 

15th. Blowing weather. Mr. Beverly would not suf- 
ferusto go. He told me that the reason he had for 
making so large a vineyard was, that about four years 
ago he made a wager with the gentlemen of the country, 
who thought it impossible to bring a vineyard to any 
perfection. The following was the agreement: If he 
would give them one guinea then, in hand, they would 
give him ten, if, in seven Years’ time, he could cultivate 
a vineyard that would yield, at one vintage, seven hun- 
dred gallons of wine. Mr. Beverly gave a hundred 
guineas upon the above-mentioned terms, and I do not 
in the least doubt but the next year he will make the 
seven hundred gallons, and win the thousand guineas. 


2R2 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


We were very merry with the wine of his own making, 
and drank prosperity to the vineyard. 

We continued on our way until we came five miles 
above this land, and there we went to see the Falls of 
Rappahannoc River. The water runs with such vio- 
lence over the rocks and large stones that are in the 
river, that it is almost impossible for boat or canoe to go 
up or down in safety. After we had satisfied our cu- 
tiosity, we continued on the road. About five we 
crossed a bridge that was made by the Germans, and 
about six we arrived at the German settlement. We 
went immediately to the minister’s house. We found 
nothing to eat, but lived on our small provisions and lay 
upon good straw. We passed the night very indiffer- 
ently. 

21st. Our beds not being very easy, as soon as it was 
day, we got up. It rained hard, but notwithstanding, 
we walked about the town, which is palisaded with 
stakes stuck in the ground, and laid close the one to the 
other, and of substance to bear out a musket-shot. There 
are but nine families, and they have nine houses, built 
all in a line; and before every house, about twenty feet 
distant from it, they have small sheds built for their 
hogs and hens, so that the hog-sties and houses make a 
street. The place that is paled in is a pentagon, very 
regularly laid out; and in the very centre there is a 
block-house, made with five sides, which answers to the 
five sides of the great inclosure; there are loop-holes 
through it, from which you may see all the inside of the 
inclosure. This was intended for a retreat for the peo- 
ple, in case they were not able to defend the palisadoes, 
if attacked by the Indians. 

They make use of this block-house for divine service. 
They go to prayers constantly once a day, and have two 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 229 


sermons on Sunday. We went to hear them perform 
their service, which was done in their own language, 
which we did not understand; but they seemed to be 
very devout, and sang the psalms very well. 

This town or settlement lies upon Rappahannoc 
River, thirty miles above the Falls, and thirty miles 
from any inhabitants. The Germans live very misera- 
bly. We would tarry here some time, but for want of 
provisions we are obliged to go. We got from the min- 
ister a bit of smoked beef and cabbage, which were very 
ordinary and dirtily drest. 

We made a collection between us three of about thirty 
shillings for the minister; and about twelve of the clock 
we took our leave, and set out to return; the weather 
hazy, and small rain. In less than three hours we saw 
nineteen deer. About six of the clock we arrived at Mr. 
Smith’s house, which is almost upon the Falls of Rappa- 
hannoc River. We have made this day thirty miles. 
Mr. Smith was not at home, but his housekeeper enter- 
tained us well; we had a good turkey for dinner, and 
beds to lie on. 

22d. At seven in the morning we mounted our horses, 
and we met upon the road with two huntsmen; we went 
with them into the woods, and in half an hour they shot 
a buck and a doe, and took them on their horses. So we 
left them, and continued on our road, and about four of 
the clock we arrived at one Mr. Buckner’s house upon 
Rappahannoc River, where we tarried the night. We 
had good punch, and were very merry. 

23d. At eight in the morning breakfasted, got our 
horses, and continued on our road. About eleven we 
met with Mr. Beverly, and went with him to see a piece 
of land he had to sell, containing five hundred acres. It 
lies upon Rappahannoc River, and fronts one mile on 


234 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


the river, and on one side of it there is a large creek nav- 
igable for sloops, and an old house upon the land, with 
one hundred acres of cleared land about it; the other 
four hundred acres have wood growing on it, but all 
the large timber is cut down. He asked £50 per hun- 
dred for it, which I thought too dear, and we could not 
ANTICG; |.) 

April, the 2d day. We set out with a guide for Chris- 
tanna, for this house is the most outward settlement on 
this side of Virginia, which is the south side. We have 
no roads here to conduct us, nor inhabitants to direct 
the traveller. We met with several Indians, and about 
twelve we came to Meherrin River, opposite to Chris- 
tanna Fort. We saw this day several fine tracts of land, 
and plains called savannas, which lie along by the river 
side, much like unto our low meadow lands in England; 
there is neither tree nor shrub that grows upon these 
plains, nothing but good grass, which for want of being 
mowed or eaten down by cattle, grows rank and coarse. 
These places are not miry, but good and firm ground; 
they are subject to inundation after great rains and 
when the rivers overflow, but there is seldom over six 
or eight inches of water, which might easily be pre- 
vented by ditching. 

The 3d day.. About nine in the morning we got up 
and breakfasted. Mr. Griffin, who is an Englishman, 
is employed by the government to teach the Indian 
children, and to bring them to Christianity. He re- 
mains in this place, and teaches them the English 
tongue, and to read the Bible and Common Prayer, as 
also to write. He hath been now a year among them, and ~ 
hath had good success. He told the Governor that the 
Indian chiefs or great men, as they style themselves, 
-were coming to the fort to compliment him. These 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 235 


Indians are called Saponey Indians, and are always at 
peace with the English; they consist of about two hun- 
dred persons, men, women, and children; they live 
within musket-shot of the fort, and are protected by the 
English from the insults of the other Indians, who are 
at difference with the English; they pay a tribute every 
year to renew and confirm the peace, and show their 
submission. ‘This nation hath no king at present, but is 
governed by twelve of their old men, which have power 
to act for the whole nation, and they will all stand to 
every thing that these twelve men agree to, as their own 
oe ae 
The 4th day. In the morning I rid out with the Gov- 
ernor and some of the people of the fort, to view the 
lands, which were not yet taken up. We saw several fine 
tracts of land, well watered, and good places to make 
mills on. I had a mind to take some of it up, so I asked 
the Governor if he would permit me to take up 3,000 
acres, and he gave me his promise for it. I went 
through the land I designed to take up, and viewed it. 
It lies upon both sides of Meherrin River, and I design 
to have it a long square, so that I shall have at least three 
miles of riverin the tract. I am informed that this river 
disgorgeth itself into the Sound of Currytuck. This 
river, though large and deep, is not navigable, because 
of the great rocks it falls over in some places. There is 
a great deal of fish in this place; we had two for 
dinner—about sixteen inches long—which were very 
good and firm. 

I gave ten shillings to Captain Hicks for his trouble 
in showing me the land, and he promises that he will as- 
sist me in the surveying of it. We saw several turkeys 
and deer, but we killed none. We returned to the fort 
about five of the clock. 


236 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


3. NORTH CAROLINA INTERIOR SETTLEMENTS 
IN 1768 


Anonymous journal of a trip from Newbern to Salisbury, N.C., in 
October, 1768. MS. in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical 
Society, Draper Collection, KK, no. 90. 


I set out from Newbern on Monday the 3d of Octo- 
ber. Traveled 30 miles through low piney Land, saw 
but few Settlements till I came to Coxs Ferry on Nuse 
River. put up here. Set out the 4th day Crossed the 
ferry went by the way of Kingstown from there to 
Dobbs Courthouse (the land piney and sandy. Saw 
some good settle’ts.) being 28 miles for this day. put up 
here at Codes. Cost 5/—Set out the 5th day. Crosed 
Nuse River at Dicksons store. Traveled some miles 
along the Rode that leeds to Duplin Courthouse, then 
took a Right hand Rode which I followed till I came to 
Wm. Bushes where I put up. Cost 3/—being about 30 
miles for this day. Saw fue settlements the Land piney 
and sandy in some places & Clay in others. This Bush 
loves to Drink Cyder & play on the fiddle &c. a small 
old fellow with a great Bunch of hair tied Behind. a 
young man Who was kinsman to the old man got groged 
drinking Cyder & had his Jacot burned up, and was ob- 
liged to go home without. Set out the 6th day. 
Traveled through a poor. sandy country but fue Settle- 
ments and Very Croked Rode till I Came to Smiths 
Ferry on the Northwest of Cape fare River where I put 
up for this day having traveled about 32 miles. My 
exps. here 3/—Set out the 7th day. Crosed the ferry and 
got Directions to follow a path through the wood at one 
Browns about 5 miles from ferry, which carried me 
about 8 miles further to a great Rode which I Crosed 
at one Gibsons, where I got Dinner &c. Cost 2/4. here 
I got Directions through the woods along a path to the 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 237 


Rode that Leeds from Cross Crick to Salesburry at one 
McCoys. followed this Rode about 5 miles farther to 
the widow McFarlen, where I put up. Cost 1/8. hav- 
ing traveled about 30 miles through poor hilley, Sandy 
& piney Land; this day. Set out the 8th day, and Trav- 
eled through poor hilley Sandy and piney Land, for 40 
miles, without Corn before I Came to any house, almost 
starved self & horse, when I came to one huffs, put up 
here got Refreshment &c Cost 2/—I set out the gth day, 
and find the Land soon begins to grow hilley and stoney 
Covered with pine & oak timber, with but fue Settle- 
ments, and them poor. I followed this Rode about 25 
miles where the Rode forks I keep the Left hand Rode, 
for Salesbury, the Right hand leeds to the Moravian 
town, after Traveling about 6 miles farther I Came to 
one Coles where I got Refreshments &c. Cost 1/4. 
From thence I Traveled about 12 miles farther when I 
came to one a Linen wheel makers here I Crosed 
a Crick called here warrick between Coles & the Linnen 
wheel makers—where I put up for this day having 
Traveled about 43 miles, my Exps. here was 2/-this 
day I find the Land very hilley and stoney with pine 
& oak Timber and but fue Settlements and them poor. 
Set out the 1oth day, and for about 16 miles the Land 
is very hilley and stoney, when I came to abbots Crick, 
here I find the Land grows better and Clearer of Stone 
and not so hilley with some good settlements, and so 
grows better towards the Yadkin River. Distant about 
8 miles from abbots Crick where I found good settle- 
ments and good land, along the River Yadkin which is 
a Large River about yards over. Distant about 7 
miles this side Salesbury where I arrived this Evening 
and find good Land and very thick Settled. Salesbury 
is a small town, but in a thriving way having a Large 


238 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Settlement about it. It is Conveniently situated on a 
Rising piece of ground, here I put up at one Beards 
having Traveled about 31 miles for this day. In all 
about 264 miles. 


4. OFFICIAL DISESTEEM OF THE BACKWOODS 
POPULATION IN GEORGIA, 1772 


Extract from a letter of James Habersham, lieutenant-governor of 
Georgia, Savannah, Aug. 20, 1772, to James Wright, then in Lon- 
don. MS. copy in the possession of the Georgia Historical Society, 
Savannah. Printed in the Georgia Historical Society Collections, 
vol. vi, 203-204. 

: I enclose you a Copy of a Proclamation I 
have issued, and that you may know my reason for so 
doing, I will transcribe what I have written on that 
subject to Lord Hillsborough as follows—I have lately 
received advice from Mr Barnard at Augusta, that sev- 
eral idle People from the Northward, some of whom, 
he is told are great Villains, Horse thieves &c, and 
were among the North Carolina regulators have setled 
and built Huts on the Lands proposed to be ceded by 
the Indians to His Majesty, and that more might be 
expected to join them, and if not drove off, and they 
should be suffered to encrease, it might hereafter be 
attended with Difficulty to do it, I have therefore by the 
Advice of the Council issued a Proclamation command- 
ing these Straglers immediately to remove from those 
Lands, and requiring the Magistrates to cause the Laws 
to be put in Execution, and enforce due obedience to 
my Proclamation, of which I have had a Number of 
Copys to be dispersed amongst the back Setlers, that 
no Transgressor may plead Ignorance, one of which, 
with a Copy of my Letter to the Magistrates of St 
Paul’s Parish, I take the Liberty of enclosing with this 
to your Lordship—I find it is generally known in several 
of the northern Provinces, that the Head Men of the 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 239 


Cherokees were personally present and caused the mak- 
ing the Lines of such Part of those Lands, which they 
claimed as their Property, and proposed to give up, 
and upon a Supposition that they might be granted, 
several Persons of apparent Repute have been to view 
them, some of whom, I have seen, and satisfyed them, 
that no Grant could be made of any Part of them, untill 
His Majesty should be pleased to adopt the Proposition 
made by the Indians, and accordingly they returned to 
their respective Places of Abode to wait the Event; 
but the present Intruders, I am informed, are Persons, 
who have no setled habitation, and live by hunting and 
plundering the industrious Setlers, and are by no means 
the sort of People that should settle those Lands, and I 
hope the Step I have taken will be effectual to remove 
them as idle and disorderly Vagrants— You will easily 
distinguish, that the People I refer to are really what 
you and [ understand by Crackers, and as the Cession 
of these Lands from the Cherokees is well known to 
the Northward, I think that Business should not be 
delayed, as those People may encrease, and I suppose 
they do not distinguish the Difference between bare Ces- 
sion from the Indians, which they probably look upon 
as only necessary, and a Cession of them to His Majesty 
for particular Purposes— Enclosed you have a Copy of 
my Letter to Mr. Barnard and the Magistrates of St 
Pauls Parish, and I think I can do no more at present 
to prevent Encroachments from these lawless People. 


5. AGENCIES FOR LAND LOCATION 
(a) Advertisement from the Georgia Journal and Independent Federal 
Register (Savannah), Dec. 21, 1793. 
The knowledge of the subscribers of the Southern 
Country, arising from their having made an accurate 
and actual survey of the sea-coast and inland navigation 


240 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


of this State—induce them to proffer their service to 
gentlemen possessing land in these counties, as survey- 
ors, capable and disposed to discharge their duty in 
that line.— And if required, plats of the same elegantly 
decorated. PARKER, HOPKINS, and MERCER. 
(b) Advertisement from the Tennessee Weekly Chronicle (Clarksville), 
June 7, 1819. 

Notice. The subscriber, having obtained from 
North Carolina, copies of the lands south of the Tennes- 
see river, and those formerly known by the name of the 
Congressional reservation, proposes to enter land for 
those who may please to confide in him, at one seventh 
part; the owners paying the necessary fees for obtain- 
ing their grants. 1 farther offer to establish lands, on 
the south side of Tennessee river, at 150 dollars for 
establishing 5000 acres, and in proportion down. A 
line dropped to me, naming the No. of grant, and war- 
rant, will be all the trouble owners of claims will be at. 
If I do not establish, I shall charge nothing and further 
make out interferrences, if any, and attend to the ob- 
taining a certificate for those who think proper to em- 
ploy me. HENRY UGH. Dover, Tenn. 


6. THE FRONTIER-PLANTATION REGIME IN 
LOUISIANA AT THE TIME OF THE MISSIS- 
SIPPI BUBBLE, 1718-1720 


Le Page du Pratz, History of Louisiana (London, 1763), English transla- 
ton, vol. 1, 22-55, passim and 131-133. 

We were then put on shore with all our effects. The 
Company had undertaken to transport us, with our 
servants and effects, at their expence, and to lodge, 
maintain, and convey us to our several Concessions, or 
Grants. 

The time of my departure, so much wished for, came 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 241 


at length. I set out with my hired servants, all my 
effects, and a letter for M. Paillou, Major General at 
New Orleans, who commanded there in the absence of 
M. Biainville. We coasted along the Continent, and 
came to lie in the mouth of the river of the Pasca- 
Ogoulas; so called, because near its mouth, and to the 
east of a bay of the same name, dwells a nation, called 
Pasca-Ogoulas, which denotes the Nation of Bread. . . 

To the South of the Lake [ Pontchartrain] is a great 
creek (Bayouc, a stream of dead water, with little or 
no observable current) called Bayouc St. Jean; it comes 
close to New Orleans, and falls into this Lake 
at Grass Point (Pointe aux Herbes) which pro- 
jects a great way into the Lake, at two leagues 
distance from Cockle Island. We passed near 
that Point, which is nothing but a quagmire. 
From thence we proceeded to the Bayouc Choupic, 
so denominated from a fish of that name, and 
three leagues from the Pointe aux Herbes. The many 
rivulets, which discharge themselves into this Lake, 
make its waters almost fresh, though it communicates 
with the sea: and on this account it abounds not only 
with sea fish but with fresh water fish, some of which, 
particularly carp, would appear to be of a monstrous 
size in France. 

We entered this Creek Choupic: at the entrance of 
which is a fort at present. We went up this Creek for 
the space of a league, and landed at a place where 
formerly stood the village of the natives, who are called 
Cola-Pissas, an appellation corrupted by the French, 
the true name of that nation being Aquelou-Pissas, that 
is, the Nation of men that hear and see. From this 
place to New Orleans, and the river Missisippi, on 
which that Capital is built, the distance is only a 
league. 


242 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Being arrived at the Creek Choupic, the Sieur 
- Lavigne, a Canadian, lodged me in a cabin of the 
Aquelou-Pissas, whose village he had bought. He gave 
others to my workmen for their lodging; and we were 
all happy to find, upon our arrival, that we were under 
shelter, in a place that was uninhabited. A few days 
after my arrival I bought an Indian female slave of 
one of the inhabitants, in order to have a person, who 
could dress our victuals, as I perceived the inhabitants 
did all they could to entice away our labourers, and to 
gain them by fair promises. As for my slave and me, 
we did not understand one another’s language; but I 
made myself to be understood by signs, which these nat- 
ives comprehend very easily: She was of the nation of 
the Chitimachas, with whom the French had been at 
war for some years. 

I went to view a spot on St. John’s Creek, about half 
a league distant from the place, where the Capital was 
to be founded, which was yet only marked out by a 
hut, covered with palmetto-leaves, and which the Com- 
mandant had caused to be built for his own lodging; 
and after him for M. Paillou, whom he left Com- 
mandant of that post. I had chosen that place prefer- 
ably to any others, with a view to dispose more easily 
of my goods and provisions, and that I might not have 
them to transport to a great distance. I told M. Paillou 
of my choice, who came and put me in possession, in 
the name of the West-India Company. 

I built a hut upon my settlement, about forty yards 
from the Creek of St. John till I could build my house, 
and lodging for my people. i 

I was pleased with my habitation, and I had good 
reasons, which I have already related, to make me pre- 
fer it to others; notwithstanding I had room to believe, 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 243 


that the situation was none of the healthiest, the country 
about it being very damp. But this cause of an un- 
wholsome air does not exist at present, since they have 
cleared the ground, and made a bank before the town. 
The quality of that land is very good, for what I had 
sown came up very well. Having found in the spring 
some peach-stones which began to sprout, I planted 
them; and the following Autumn they had made shoots 
four feet high, with branches in proportion. 

Notwithstanding these advantages, I took a resolu- 
tion to quit this settlement, in order to make another 
one, about a hundred leagues higher up; and I shall 
give the reasons, which, in my opinion, will appear 
sufficient to have made me take that step. 

Two days afterwards I told M. Hubert what I had 
heard of the Country of the Natchez. He made answer, 
that he was so persuaded of the goodness of that part 
of the country, that he was making ready to go there 
himself, to take up his Grant, and to establish a large 
settlement for the Company: And, continued he, “TI 
shall be very glad, if you will do the same: We shall 
be company to one another, and you will unquestionably 
do your business better there than here.” 

This determined me to follow his advice: I quitted 
my settlement, and took lodgings in the town, till I 
should find an opportunity to depart, and receive some 
Negroes whom I expected in a short time. My stay 
at New Orleans appeared long, before I heard of the 
arrival of the Negroes. Some days after the news of 
their arrival, M. Hubert brought me two good ones, 
which had fallen to me by lot. One was a young 
Negro about twenty, with his wife of the same age; 
which cost me both together 1320 livres, or £55 sterling. 

Two days after that I set off with them alone in a 


244 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


pettyaugre (a large canoe,) because I was told we 
should make much better speed in such a vessel, than 
in the boats that went with us; and that I had only to 
take powder and ball with me, to provide my whole 
company with game sufficient to maintain us; for which 
purpose it was necessary to make use of a paddle, in- 
stead of oars, which make too much noise for the game. 
I had a barrel of powder, with fifteen pounds of shot, 
which I thought would be sufficient for the voyage: 
But I found by experience, that this was not sufficient 
for the vast plenty of game that is to be met with upon 
that river, without ever going out of your way. 

I found upon the main road that leads from the chief 
village of the Natchez to the Fort, about an hundred 
paces from this last, a cabin of the Natives upon the 
road side, surrounded with a spot of cleared ground, 
the whole of which I bought by means of an interpreter. 
I made this purchase with the more pleasure, as I had 
upon the spot, wherewithal to lodge me and my people, 
with all my effects: The cleared ground was about six 
acres, which would form a garden and a plantation 
for tobacco, which was then the only commodity cul- 
tivated by the inhabitants. I had water convenient for 
my house, and all my land was very good. On one side 
stood a rising ground with a gentle declivity, covered 
with a thick field of canes, which always grow upon 
the rich lands; behind that was a great meadow, and 
on the other side was a forest of white walnuts (Hic- 
cories) of nigh fifty acres, covered with grass knee 
deep. All this piece of ground was in general good, 
and contained about four hundred acres of a measure 
greater than that of Paris: The soil is black and light. 

The other two pieces of land, which M. Hubert had 
ordered me to look for, I took up on the border of the 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 245 


little river of the Natchez, each of them half a league 
from the great village of that nation, and a league from 
the fort; and my plantation stood between these two and 
the fort, bounding the two others. After this I took up 
my lodging upon my own plantation, in the hut I had 
bought of the Indian, and put my people in another, 
which they built for themselves at the side of mine, so 
that I was lodged pretty much like our wood-cutters 
in France, when they are at work in the woods. 

As soon as I was put in possession of my habitation, 
I went with an interpreter to see the other fields, which 
the Indians had cleared upon my land, and bought 
them all, except one, which an Indian would never sell 
to me: It was situated very convenient for me, I had a 
mind for it, and would have given him a good price; 
but I could never make him agree to my proposals. He 
gave me to understand, that, without selling it, he 
would give it up to me, as soon as I should clear my 
ground to his; and that while he stayed on his own 
ground near me, I should always find him ready to 
serve me, and that he would go a-hunting and fishing 
forme. This answer satisfied me, because I must have 
had twenty Negroes, before I could have been able to 
have reached him; they assured me likewise, that he 
was an honest man; and far from having any occasion 
to complain of him as a neighbour, his stay there was 
extremely serviceable tome. . . 

This was without doubt, a great satisfaction to 
a young man, who found himself otherwise in good 
health, but had been confined to the house for four 
months and a half, without being able to go out a 
moment; and gave me as much joy as I could well have, 
after the loss of a good Negroe, who died of a defluxion 
on the breast, which he catched by running away into 


246 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


the woods, where his youth and want of experience 
made him believe he might live without the toils of 
slavery; but being found by the Tonicas, constant 
friends of the French, who live about twenty leagues 
from the Natchez, they carried him to their village, 
where he and his wife were given to a Frenchman, for 
whom they worked, and by that means got their liveli- 
hood; till M. de Montplaisir sent them home to me. 

This M. de Montplaisir, one of the most agreeable 
Gentlemen in the Colony, was sent by the Company, 
from Clerac in Gascony, to manage their plantation 
at the Natchez, to make tobacco upon it, and to shew 
the people the way of cultivating and curing it; the 
Company having learned, that this place produced ex- 
cellent tobacco, and that the people of Clerac were 
perfectly well acquainted with the culture and way of 
managing it. : 

The second year after my settling among the Natchez, 
I went to New Orleans, as I was desirous to sell my 
goods and commodities myself, instead of selling them 
to the travelling pedlars, who often require too great 
a profit for their pains. Another reason that made me 
undertake this voyage, was to send my letters to France 
myself, which I was certainly informed, were generally 
intercepted. 

Upon my arrival at New Orleans I was informed, 
that there were several Grantees arrived at New 
Biloxi. I thought fit then to go thither, both to sell 
my goods, and to get a sure conveyance for my letters 
to France. Here I was invited to sup with M. d’Ar- 
taguette, King’s Lieutenant, who usually invited all the 
Grantees, as well as myself. I there found several of. 
the Grantees, who were all my friends; and among us 
we made out a sure conveyance for our letters to France, 
of which we afterwards made use. 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 247 


The Grants were those of M. Law, who was to have 
fifteen hundred men, consisting of Germans, Proven- 
cals, &c. to form the settlement. His land being marked 
out at the Arkansas, consisted of four leagues square, 
and as erected into a Duchy, with accoutrements for a 
company of dragoons, and merchandize for more than 
a million of livres. M. Levans, who was trustee of 
it, had his chaise to visit the different posts of the Grant. 
But M. Law soon after becoming bankrupt, the Com- 
pany seized on all the effects and merchandize; and 
but few of those who engaged in the service of that 
Grant, remained at the Arkansas; they were afterwards 
all dispersed and set at liberty. 

The Germans almost to a man settled eight leagues 
above, and to the West of the Capital. This Grant 
ruined near a thousand persons at L’Orient before their 
embarkation, and above two hundred at Biloxi; not 
to mention those, who came out at the same time with 
me in 1718. All this distress, of which I was a witness 
at Biloxi, determined me to make an excursion a few 
leagues on the coast, in order to pass some days with a 
friend, who received me with pleasure. We mounted 
horse to visit the interior part of the country a few 
leagues from the sea. I found the fields pleasant 
enough, but less fertile than along the Missisipi; as 
they have some resemblance of the neighbouring coast, 
which has scarce any other plants but pines, that run a 
great way, and some red and white cedars. 

When we came to the plain, I carefully searched 
every spot that I thought worth my attention. In con- 
sequence of the search I found two mines of copper, 
whose metal plainly appeared above ground. They 
stood about half a league asunder. We may justly con- 
clude that they are very rich, as they thus disclose 
themselves on the surface of the earth. 


248 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


When [I had made a sufficient excursion, and judged 
I could find nothing further to satisfy my curiosity, I 
returned to Biloxi, where I found two boats of the 
Company, just preparing to depart for New Orleans, 
and a large pettyaugre, which belonged to F. Charle- 
voix the Jesuit, whose name is well known in the Re- 
public of Letters: With him I returned to New 
Orleans. 


At the time the succours were expected from France, 
in order to destroy the Natchez, the Negroes formed 
a design to rid themselves of all the French at once, 
and to settle in their room, by making themselves mas- 
ters of the Capital, and of all the property of the 
French. It was discovered in the following manner. 

A female Negro receiving a violent blow from a 
French soldier, for refusing to obey him, said in her 
passion, that the French should not long insult Negroes. 
Some Frenchman, overhearing these threats, brought 
her before the Governor, who sent her to prison. The 
Judge Criminal not being able to draw anything out 
of her, I told the Governor, who seemed to pay no 
great regard to her threats, that I was of opinion, that 
a man in liquor, and a woman in passion, generally 
speak truth. It is therefore highly probable, said I, 
that there is some truth in what she said: And if so, 
there must be some conspiracy, ready to break out, 
which cannot be formed without many Negroes of the 
King’s plantation being accomplices therein: And if 
there are any, I take upon me, said I, to find them out, 
and arrest them, if necessary, without any disorder or 
tumult. 

The Governor and the whole Court approved of my 
reasons: I went that very evening to the camp of the 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 249 


Negroes, and from hut to hut, till I saw a light. In 
this hut I heard them talking together of their scheme. 
One of them was my first commander and my confidant, 
which surprized me greatly; his name was Samba. 

I speedily retired for fear of being discovered; and 
in two days after, eight Negroes, who were at the head 
of the conspiracy, were separately arrested, unknown 
to each other, and clapt in irons without the least 
tumult. 

The day after they were put to the torture of burning 
matches; which, tho’ several times repeated, could not 
bring them to make any confession. In the mean time 
I learnt, that Samba had, in his own country, been at 
the head of the revolt, by which the French lost Fort 
Arguin; and when it was recovered again by M. Perier 
de Salvert, one of the principal articles of the peace 
was, that this Negro should be condemned to slavery 
in America: That Samba, on his passage, had laid a 
scheme to murder the crew, in order to become master 
of the ship; but that being discovered, he was put in 
irons, in which he continued, till he landed in 
Louisiana. 

I drew up a memorial of all this; which was read 
before Samba by the Judge Criminal; who, threatening 
him again with the torture, told him, he had ever been 
a seditious fellow: Upon which Samba directly owned 
all the circumstances of the conspiracy; and the rest, 
being confronted with him, confessed also: After 
which, the eight Negroes were condemned to be broke 
alive on the wheel, and the woman to be hanged before 
their eyes; which was accordingly done, and prevented 
the conspiracy from taking effect. 


250 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


7. DISTURBANCE IN TEXAS, 1826, OVER THE UN- 
CERTAINTY OF THE STATUS OF NEGROES 
IN SLAVERY 


News item in the Louisiana Journal (St. Francisville), Nov. 11, 1826, 
reprinted from the Arkansas Gazette. 


We learn by a gentleman of this place, who arrived 
a few days since from Miller county, that a citizen of 
that county had returned just before he started, from 
the province of ‘Texas, bringing information that great 
excitement prevailed throughout the several colonies 
in that country, when he left there, in consequence of 
the recent passage of the law by the Mexican Govern- 
ment, for the Emancipation of all the Slaves in the 
province of Texas, and that orders had been received 
for carrying it into immediate effect. As may well be 
supposed, this information produced the greatest con- 
sternation among the slave holders, all of whom had 
emigrated to that country under an assurance, as we 
are informed, from the local authorities of Texas, that 
they could hold their slaves; though we are under the 
impression that slavery is prohibited throughout the 
republic, by the constitution of Mexico. 

The large slave holders are hurrying off their slaves 
in great numbers, into Louisiana and Arkansas; and we 
have heard of several persons who emigrated from this 
territory, who have recently crossed the line into Louis- 
iana, with their slaves. Those persons who have but 
few slaves, have held meetings, at which it was resolved 
that they would stand by each other in resisting the 
execution of the law, until they can gather this year’s 
crop, after which they have determined to leave the 
country. 

We also learn that the Indians have been troublesome 
for some time past to the colonists, and that in many 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 251 


settlements they were under the necessity of erecting 
forts for their protection, and retreating into them for 
security. Several persons have been killed by the 
Indians within a few months, but at the latest advices 
the alarm was subsiding. The crops are said to be 
short this season, and the country very sickly. 


8. TEXAN IMMIGRATION, 1828 


News item from the Georgia Courier (Augusta), July 3, 1828. 

The following information, relative to Texas, is 
copied from the New Orleans Halcyon and Literary 
Repository of the 25th of May. It contains information 
which will, no doubt, be new to many of the readers: 

“Although little more than seven years have elapsed 
since the Austins began their colony near the Rio 
Grande, it now numbers from 12 to 15,000 souls, mostly 
emigrants from the United States— ‘Thousands of acres, 
however, remain with the patentee, and will afford 
immense wealth to himself and to his descendants. 

“On the opposite [side] of Texas, and in a quarter 
possessing greater advantages, another colony is fast 
rising into importance under the patent of Col. Milam. 
There are 300 families already settled on the alluvion 
of the Red River, nearly over against Miller county, 
in Arkansas. The cotton lands yield astonishing crops 
of the finest cotton, tobacco, and corn, innumerable 
herds graze on the elevated prairies, and the mountains 
are known to contain the precious metals. The law of 
Mexico, prohibiting slavery, is evaded by having 
negroes bound to serve an apprenticeship of 99 years. 
There are several planters who number 50 or 60 of such 
apprentices. New Orleans will receive the productions 
of this colony, by barges and steamboats descending 
Red River, and send back in exchange whatever the 


252 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


new settlers may be unable to divide among themselves. 
These settlements, so high up to Red River, may be 
viewed as the links which shall, in time, connect us, 
in trade, with St. Fe, and other parts of New Mexico.” 


9. SOCIAL CONDITIONS AND PROSPECTS IN TEXAS, 
1834 
Letter from Texas printed in the Southern Banner (Athens, Ga.), July 
19, 1834. 

We have been favored with the following interesting 
letter from Texas, through the politeness of the gentle- 
man to whom it was addressed. It was evidently not 
intended for publication, but the more important in- 
formation given by it ought not to be withheld. The 
character of the writer (Doct. Hoxey) is well known 
to many of the citizens of Georgia and Alabama and 
justifies the utmost reliance upon the correctness of his 
statements. 

Cole’s Settlement, Texas, April 2, 34. 
Mr. LEwis S. BROWN: 

Dear Sir: The difficulty in getting letters from this 
country to the United States has been the chief reason 
for my not writing to you sooner, and I have no doubt 
but what you in conjunction with my relatives are 
anxious to hear from me; and it affords me great pleas- 
ure to be able to inform you that all my enthusiastic 
notions of Texas are not only realized but far exceeded. 
My most sanguine expectations. I have embarked, as 
you already know, largely into Texas land speculations; 
and could now if I would receive $30,000 profit on 
my investments, but I must have another unit added 
to that amount before I can be willing to sell. And 
then I really would not receive the tenth part of their 
value. I have seen the best lands in Alabama, Missis- 
sippi, and Louisiana, and I assure you they are far in- 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 253 


ferior to the lands of Texas. I own an eleven league 
grant at the Falls of Brasos, which is the head of steam- 
boat navigation. The fertility of the soil may be esti- 
mated by the growth of the vegetation on it: the weeds 
grow twenty feet high; and there is no trouble to clear 
the land, but to fire the wood in the winter. The soil 
of this land is at least fifty feet thick. not subject to 
overflow, well watered with pure running streams and 
generally well timbered. My lands on the San Gabriel 
and San Andrea are the most beautiful lands in the 
world for farming. They are not quite as rich as those 
lands on the Brasos; yet they are far superior to any 
in the United States; and in point of health and beauty 
of situation are unsurpassed by any in the world. Where 
I am now settled the country is very beautiful and 
healthy: the soil about four feet thick and capable of 
producing about two thousand pounds of cotton to the 
acre. I do not feel permanently settled here; but shall 
remove in a year or so to my lands on the San Gabriel. 
At present there is little or no society there, whilst the 
section that I am now in is thickly settled and the so- 
ciety as good as any in the state of Georgia or any 
other state. My immediate neighbors are all slave 
holders and cotton planters, and but for the poverty of 
the soil I would be willing to remain here permanently. 

The emigration to Texas this year has been immense, 
in fact much greater than the resources of the country 
would admit: at least two months ago nearly all the 
corn in Texas was consumed by emigrants, and thou- 
sands have to subsist on meat alone. My negroes live 
exclusively on beef and consume about one hundred 
pounds daily. This I buy at 2 cents a pound. 

Texas is the easiest country in the world for the 
farmer to live in; stock of no kind is ever fed and never 


254 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


poor. My mules and horses, although they have worked 
hard all the winter and spring are very fat. They have 
not had a grain of corn or fodder since I have been in 
Texas, but subsist exclusively on grass. 

I know that you in the United States have very er- 
roneous ideas about this country, particularly as regards 
the society and the individuals composing that society. 
You imagine that the country is filled with Mexicans 
or Spaniards; and that the American part of the pop- 
ulation is composed of renegades from the United 
States; whereas there is scarcely a Mexican in Texas, 
the population being exclusively American; and by 
far the largest proportion of that number are honest, 
industrious and enterprising Americans. A man com- 
mitting any breach against the laws of society is pun- 
ished as readily and as severely here as in any part of 
the United States. Our political situation with the 
Mexican government is a subject which is well calcu- 
lated to deter Americans from coming to this country 
to settle—they believe that we are on the eve of a civil 
war; but of this there is not the remotest probability. 
As this time we have no taxes or any duties to pay, 
and hence want no better government. 


10. A TEXAN CANARD 


Southern Banner (Athens, Ga.), May 7, 1836. 

For the especial benefit of those in the neighborhood 
(and we understand there are not a few) who are labor- 
ing under that cruel disease the Texas fever, we publish 
the following from the Columbus ( Miss.) Argus of the 
25th ult. It may not prove a pancea, but if it does not 
act as a cooling powder, then we shall pronounce the 
disease incurable. 

“Texas. A person has lately returned to this county 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 266 


from Texas who left some five or six months ago to 
evade a trial for his life under the charge of murder. 
On his return he affirmed that he would rather be hung 
than to live in Texas: he gave himself up to the officers 
of justice, was tried at the late term of our Circuit 
Court, and was honorably acquitted. From this it 
would appear that Texas is not quite such a garden as 
many of our citizens imagine.” 


11. A TEXAN PIONEER TYPE 


Lyell, Sir Charles. A Second Visit to the United States (New York, 
1846), 88-90, giving the author’s observations in 1846, on a steamer 
bound from Mobile to New Orleans. 


: On board were many “movers,” going 
to Texas with their slaves. One of them confessed to 
me, that he had been eaten out of Alabama by his 
negroes. He had no idea where he was going, but after 
settling his family at Houston, he said he should look 
out for a square league of good land to be had cheap. 
Another passenger had, a few weeks before, returned 
from Texas, much disappointed, and was holding forth 
in disparagement of the country for its want of wood 
and water, declaring that none could thrive there, unless 
they came from the prairies of Illinois, and were inured 
to such privations. *“ Cotton,” he said, “could only be 
raised on a few narrow strips of alluvial land near the 
rivers, and as these were not navigable by steamers, the 
crop, when raised, could not be carried to a market.” 
He also comforted the mover with the assurance, “that 
there were swarms of buffalo flies to torment his horses, 
and sand flies to sting him and his family.” To this 
the undismayed emigrant replied, “that when he first 
settled in Alabama, before the long grass and canes 
had been eaten down by his cattle, the insect pests were 
as great as they could be in Texas.” He was, I found, 


2 56 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


one of those resolute pioneers of the wilderness, who, 
after building a log-house, clearing the forest, and im- 
proving some hundred acres of wild ground by years 
of labor, sells the farm, and migrates again to another 
part of the uncleared forest, repeating this operation 
three or four times in the course of his life, and, though 
constantly growing richer, never disposed to take his 
ease. In pursuing this singular vocation, they who go 
southward from Virginia to North and South Carolina, 
and thence to Georgia and Alabama, follow, as if by 
instinct, the corresponding zones of country. The in- 
habitants of the red soil of the granitic region keep 
to their oak and hickory, the “crackers” of the tertiary 
pine-barrens to their light-wood, and they of the newest 
geological formations in the sea-islands to their fish 
and oysters. On reaching Texas, they are all of them 
at fault, which will surprise no geologist who has read 
Ferdinand Roemer’s account of the form which the 
Cretaceous strata assume in that country, consisting of 
a hard, compact, siliceous limestone, which defies the 
decomposing action of the atmosphere, and forms table- 
lands of bare rock, so entirely unlike the marls, clay, 
and sands of the same age in Alabama. 

On going down from the cabin to the lower deck, 
I found a slave-dealer with sixteeen negroes to sell, 
most of them Virginians. I heard him decline an offer 
of 500 dollars for one of them, a price which he said 
he could have got for the man before he left his 
own State. 


12. SHIFTING OF POPULATION IN TEXAS 


News item from the Democratic Telegraph and Texas Register 
(Houston), Jan. 27, 1848. 


We have learned with pleasure that the tide of 
emigration is again setting with a rapidly increasing 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT pala 


current into the eastern and northern section of the 
State. Several of the roads along the eastern frontier 
have been crowded with emigrants, who are wending 
their way towards the fertile lands of the Trinity and 
Brazos, and around the sources of the Navasoto. It is 
estimated that more than four hundred families settled 
last year in the counties of Dallas, Denton, Navarro, 
Collin Hunt, and Grayson, and if we may judge from 
present appearances, the number of emigrants that will 
settle in those counties this year will far exceed that of 
last year. Many of these emigrants are from Alabama, 
Georgia and the adjoining States. It is worthy of re- 
mark that, while these emigrants were flocking in such 
great numbers to the eastern counties, a large number 
of settlers from those counties are “pulling up stakes 
and moving to the west.” Whether Western Texas 
excels the eastern section of the State in the salubrity 
of its climate and the fertility of soil, or whether these 
settlers, like ‘‘Leather Stocking” are tired because the 
settlements are increasing too rapidly around them we 
leave our readers to ascertain. One fact, however, we 
believe is well established, that very few settlers are 
seen returning from the West. 


13. TEXAN ATTRACTIONS ADVERTISED 


Editorial from the Texian Advocate (Victoria), June 22, 1848. 

To EMIGRANTS. Never was there a more favorable 
time for emigrants to come to Western Texas than the 
ensuing fall. Peace, health, and fine crops are the order 
of the day. We have no doubt there is corn enough 
made for double our population, and the ranging price 
will be from 25 to 50 cents per bushel. Land is very 
cheap, as well as every other species of property. We 
predict that will not be the case in twelve or eighteen 


258 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


months from the present writing.— Times must improve, 
and we think shortly. We would invite those wishing 
homes in a new country to come and look at Texas, as 
they will find it all sorts of a country—that is, they may 
find all sorts of country in it. 


14. THE LAUNCHING OF TOWNS 


(a) Advertisement by William Byrd in the Virginia Gazette (Wil- 
liamsburg), July 23, 1767, offering lots, forges, mill sites, etc., 
in the present city of Richmond, to be distributed by lottery 
among the purchasers of tickets. 


A scheme, For disposing of, by way of Lottery, the 
Land and Tenements under mentioned, being the entire 
towns of Rocky Ridge and Shockoe, lying at the Falls 
of James river, and the land thereunto adjoining. The 
advantageous situation of this estate is too well known 
to require a particular description, though it may be 
necessary to inform the publick that the obstructions 
through the Falls, and in other parts of the river above, 
will shortly be removed, and the river made navigable 
to the said towns: The navigation will thereby be ex- 
tended, and made both safe and easy for upwards of 
two hundred miles above the said Falls, and a com- 
munication opened to the western frontier of the middle 
colonies, whereby there will not be more than sixty or 
seventy miles portage from James river to the Ohio; 
so that the immense treasure of that valuable country 
must necessarily be brought to market to one or other 
of the above said towns, which will occasionally raise 
their rents, and enhance the value, of the lands and 
tenements under mentioned, beyond the powers of 
conception. 


by On 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 


A double forge, a mill, with 2% acres 
of land adjoining, the use of the land- 
ing, the canal, with ten feet on each 
side, and 2000 acres of back land, 
the farthest part of which is not more 
than five miles from the forge, 
Imperfection at Rocky Ridge, at 12 
years purchase, 

James Lyle, his tenement, at do. 
Archibald Buchanon, at do. 
Alexander Stewart, at do. 

Elizabeth Todd, at do. 

Robert Gordan, at do. 

Joseph Hopkins, at do. 

John Shackelton, at do. 

James Gunn, formely rented to 
Thomas Yuille, 

Ferry on the fourth side, at 20 years 
purchase, with half an acre of land 
on the bank, 

A fishery on the south side at 20 
years do. 

Number of improved lots, 

Lots unimproved, each half an acre, 
to be laid off in a town convenient to 
the river, with publick landings, at 
425 each, 

The amount of lots on the south 
side of James river, in Chesterfield 
County, 


LOTS 


12 


300 


312 


Shockoein perfection, at 12 years purchase, 


Byrd’s do. at do. 
Watson’s, at do. 

James Buchanon, at do. 
Patrick Coutts, at do. 
George Ellis, at do. 
James M’ Dowell, at do. 
David Ross, at do. 


VALUE 


£8000 


780 
540 
540 
510 
480 
go 
60 
36 


540 


2000 


600 
£14,176 


7500 


421,676 


4780 
780 
720 
720 
420 
120 
480 
480 


Carried over £4500 


259 


RENTS 


465 0 
45 
45 
42 10 
40 

10. 


woumn 


45 


100 


30 
£428 


260 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


LOTS VALUE RENTS 


Brought over 44500 £375 
Thomas Younghusband, at do. 540 45 
James Razer, at do. 60 5 
James Howling, at do. 60 5 
John M’Keind, at do. 144 12 
M’Pherson & Menzies, at do. 420 35 
James Daley, at do. 36) 3 
Lewis Warwick, at do. 60 5 
Ferry, at 20 years do. 2000 100 
Fishery, at 20 years do. 2000 100 
Number of improved lots, 17° | fgisza VAGs5 


10,000 acres of land, to be laid off in 
lots of 100 acres each, valued at 3os. 


per acre, 100 15,000 
IO islands, on some of which are very 

valuable fisheries, fe) 300 

Lots unimproved, valued at 425 each, 400 10,000 

The amount of lots on the North 

side of James river, 527 435.120 )pes 
The amount of lots on the south of 

James river, 312 21,676 428 

839 Prizes. 839 6=£56,796 £1113 

9161 Blanks. ZT it 
10,000 Tickets, at 45 each, £50,000 


The said lottery will be drawn at Shockoe’s in June 
1768, under the management and direction of the 
Honble. Presley Thornton, Esq. Peyton Randolph, 
John Page, Charles Carter, and Charles Turnbull, 
Esqrs. trustees for the same, who will execute convey- 
ances for the prizes drawn by the fortunate adventurers 
in this lottery. Tickets to be had of the trustees, also 
of Col. Archibald Cary, John Wayles, and the sub- 
scriber. W. Byrb. 


(b) The founding of Louisville, Ky. Advertisement from the Virginia 
Gazette, April 7, 1774. 


The Subscribers, Patentees of Land at the Falls of 
the Ohio, hereby inform the Publick that they intend 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 261 


to lay out a Town there in the most convenient Place. 
The Lots to be 80 Feet front and 240 deep. The Num- 
ber of Lots that shall be laid off at first will depend 
on the Number of Applications. The Purchase Money 
of each Lot to be four Spanish Dollars, and one Dollar 
per Annum Quitrent forever. The Purchasers to build 
within the Space of two Years from the first of Decem- 
ber next, on each lot, a Log-House not less that sixteen 
Feet square, with a Stone or Brick Chimney; and as 
in that Country it will be necessary the first Settlers 
should build compactly, the Improvements must nat- 
urally join each other. It is farther proposed, for the 
Convenience of the Settlers, that an out Lot of ten 
Acres, contigous to the Town, shall be laid off, for such 
as desire the same, at an easy Rent, on a long Lease. 
Attendance will be given by the Patentees at Pitts- 
burg, till the Middle of June, at which Time one of 
them will set off from thence to execute the Plan. The 
advantageous Situation of that Place, formed by Nature 
as a temporary Magazine, or Repository, to receive 
the produce of the very extensive and fertile Country 
on the Ohio and its Branches, as well as the necessary 
Merchandises suitable for the Inhabitants that shall 
emigrate into that Country (as Boats of fifty Tuns 
Burthen may be navigated from New Orleans up to 
the Town) is sufficient to recommend it; but when it is 
considered how liberal, nay profuse, Nature has been to 
it otherwise, in stocking it so abundantly that the slight- 
est Industry may supply the most numerous Family 
with the greatest Plenty and amazing Variety of Fish, 
Fowl, and Flesh; the Fertility of the Soil, and Facility 
of Cultivation, that fit it for producing Commodities 
of great Value with little Labour; the Wholesomeness 
of the Waters, and Serenity of the Air, which render 


262 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


it healthy; and when Property may be so easily ac- 
quired, we may, with Certainty, affirm that it will in a 
short Time be equalled by few inland Places on the 
American Continent. 
JOHN CAMPELL—JOHN CONNOLLY. 
(c) Letter of John Sappington, Red River, Tenn., Sept. 20, 1791, 
to Major William Croghan. MS. in the possession of the Wisconsin 


Historical Society, Draper Collection, XX, vol. v, no. 24. Specula- 
tion in town sites on the Ohio River. 


D* SI with pleasure embrace this opportunity by 
Col” James Ford to inform you that I am well at 
present and have enjoyed a good state of health since I 
left the Falls of Ohio— 

I also have the Pleasure to introduce to you Col” 
James Ford, a person anxious to make a purchase near 
the mouth of Cumberland River. there are a Number of 
Families that would wish to [buy] any land adjacent 
to the Town Moses Shelby requests me to inform you 
he would give Cash for five or six hundred Acres of 
Land near the Town five or six miles distant he would 
wish to know by this opportunity what you would take 
per hundred for Land in that Distance from the Town-— 
Also several others wish to know what you would take 
for Land near the Mouth of Little River or Ramsey’s 
Camp, particularly a Mr. Desha, he would wish to 
purchase two or three thousand acres he can make you 
good pay in Beef Cattle as he has a large Stock of 
Cattle he is a very punctual man—I have not the least 
Doubt provided you would engage Land at a certain 
fixed price your Town would be established at the 
Mouth of Cumberland immediately I have drew up an 
article for the settling of s* Town & find that if you 
would give an out Lott of about five acres with the two 
Lotts in Town the Settlement would be established this 
Fall indeed provided you would fix a reasonable price 


— ee 


ee ee SS Oe ee eee eee 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 263 


on the Twenty acre out Lotts at the expiration of the ten 
years I have the promise of a Number of Adventurers 
sufficient to establish a permanent Settlement. I shall 
expect to hear from you fully and particularly on the 
above head—as I intend to become an Adventurer my- 
self I conceive it must be a place of Trade at present 
and a future day a place of Consequence as it is the key 
of the Settlements on Cumberland & the Ohio above & 
as it lies near the mouths of several Capital Rivers also 
near the present Spanish Settlements. J conclude with 
presenting my compliments to Mrs Croghan, Mr. 
Clarks family, Coll" Anderson & his Lady Doct’ James 
Ofallon & his Lady & my Acquaintances in generall in 
the neighborhood of the Falls & with subscribing myself 
Y* M®* Ob‘ Serv’ &c JNO. SAPPINGTON. 


(d) Advertisement from the Tennessee Herald (Shelbyville), Feb. 21, 
1818. Presumptive attractions for a town site. 


THE TOWN OF COTTON-PorT. On the 16th. day of 
March 1818 (being the next Monday after the close of 
the Public Land Sales at Huntsville) will be offered 
for sale to the highest bidder on the premises; A part of 
the lots laid out for the new town of Cotton Port. 

The Town is laid out on the West Bank of Limestone 
river; one mile above its junction with the Tennessee 
and a little below the south Beaver Dam and the Piney 
Fork. 

The situation is high and dry, promises to be as 
healthy as any other place in the Alabama Territory, as 
near the Tennessee, is sufficiently level, and elevated 
above the reach of the highest floods of the Tennessee. 

Within the limits of the Town are two never failing 
springs of good water. The appearance of the Land 
and the success of similar experiments in the country 
adjacent, justify a belief that on almost every lot a well 


264 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


of good water may be had at a moderate depth without 
blowing rock. 

Limestone River from the Tennessee to this place is 
navigable at all seasons of the year by the largest Keel 
and flat Bottom’d boats used in the Navigation of the 
Tennessee. Limestone here affords a safe harbor of 
deep still water, in which the greatest floods, boats will 
be entirely free from the dangers to be at such times ap- 
prehended from the strong and rapid current and sud- 
den risings and fallings of the Tennessee. The situation 
at which Cotton Port is laid out, has in fact long 
since been proved by the observation and experienced of 
the planters of the western and the north-western parts 
of Madison county, to be the place which Nature has 
distinctly marked out for the commercial centre of the 
very fertile country adjacent. It includes the well 
known old boat landing Limestone. At this place for 
several years past, not an inconsiderable part of the cot- 
ton from these parts of Madison county, has been im- 
barked in flat bottom’d boats, which ascended with ease 
from the Tennessee and with full cargoes descended 
from this place to New Orleans. The saving in the ex- 
pence of Land carriage, altho’ the country for more 
than 15 miles around the boat landing was then unset- 
tled and the Indian claim to it unextinguished caused 
the produce of this quarter of Madison county to be em- 
barked at this place in preference to any other. The 
same reason must naturally render Cotton Port 
the place of embarkation for all the produce of the 
country north of it, as far as the southern boundary of 
the state of Tennessee, & for a considerable distance to 
the West and to the East. 

The country whose trade seems decreed by Nature 
to centre here, includes one of the finest cotton districts 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 265 


North of the Tennessee river. Of its fertility and prob- 
able wealth and produce something like definite ideas 
may be formed, when it is known that at the Public 
Sales now going on at Huntsville, the lands in the 
Township in which Cotton Port has been laid out, and 
the next to the North sold at from 2 to 7o dollars per 
acre and at an average of 16 dollars per acre. In the 
two next townships to the east and north-east at about 
the same prices. The 2 nearest townships to the W. and 
N.W. of C. Port are to be sold during the present week. 
The greater part of the Land in these is not less fertile 
and inviting to wealthy and industrious settlers. To 
people at a distance who may not have enquired into 
the system pursued in Surveying and selling Public 
Lands of the United States, it may be proper to observe, 
that a township is six miles square, in each of which af- 
ter the reservation for Schools there are 22,400 acres to 
be sold in quarter sections of 160 each — of rich and high 
priced Lands just mentioned the most remote is but 
twelve miles from Cotton Port. 

Men of Industry, Enterprize & Judgement in almost 
every walk of life, who seek to better their condition, in 
a new and unoccupied field of action, will not be slow 
in forming their conclusions if they can rely upon these 
statements—Let them examine the records of the Land 
office and see if they are correct, let them examine the 
account of sales and calculate what must in all probabil- 
ity be the produce of a district in one half of which, 
capital to so large an amount has been vested by prudent 
men in the purchase of Lands at the Public sales of gov- 
ernment, let them examine a Map of the country and as- 
certain the point at which the commerce of this district 
must centre. 

To the merchant it must occur that for the exporta- 


266 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


tion of the produce of such a country there must be buy- 
ers at the point where it will be collected—that to supply 
such a country in foreign articles of consumption there 
must be sellers at the place to which the consumers 
come, to sell their produce. 

Trade cannot stagnate here. Industrious and ingen- 
ious mechanics must see that the inhabitants of such a 
country will want houses, furniture, farming utensils, 
leather, saddles, boots, shoes, &c. and will be able to pay 
good prices for them. The upper country on the Ten- 
nessee and Holston rivers and their branches will af- 
ford, at a very trifling expence for water carriage down 
the river, abundant supplies of provisions, iron, lumber 
and other raw materials. 

A good dry road can be had from Cotton-Port, north 
to Elk river. The proprietors of the land laid out for 
the town intend to build a bridge across Limestone; and 
to make a good road for several miles towards the rich 
country about the Big Prairie. 

From Cotton-Port to Falls of the Black Warrior, as 
good a road can probably be had as from any place on 
Tennessee river. The distance is about 100 miles. 

The Trustees of the town, will reserve for public 
benefit, two lots including the two springs, two or more 
lots for a place of public worship, a school house, and 
such other public buildings as the prospects of the place 
may seem to require. 

In the plan of the town the Trustees have endeavored 
to avoid every thing which will tend to bring all its 
population and business into one span, and leave the 
rest of the lots unoccupied. They have endeavored so 
to arrange the streets, lots, &c. as to secure to the future 
inhabitants as far as practicable, the benefits of shade 
and a free circulation of air, and to every family a piece 
of garden ground. 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 267 


A plan of the town and a map of the adjacent coun- 
try, will be left for public inspection at John H. Smith’s 
store in Nashville, and a plan of the town with Brice M. 
Garner Fayetteville, T. and with John Brahan in 
Huntsville as soon as they can be prepared. 

The sale will commence precisely at 12 o’clock. The 
trustees are induced to commence the sale at so short a 
notice, in order to meet the wishes of many now waiting, 
and anxious to commence improvements in the town 
immediately. If the demand for lots requires it, the 
sale will be continued from day to day. 

Terms eight months credit. 

Bond and approved security to be given. JOHN COFFEE, 
JAMES JACKSON, JOHN BRAHAN, JAS. BRIGHT.- 
Trustees. 
(e) News item from the Georgia Courier (Augusta), Aug. 11, 1828. 
The site of this town, Columbus, Ga., at the head of navigation on 
the Chattahoochee River, like that also of Macon on the Ocomulgee, 
was selected in advance by the state government, and as soon as 
ceded by the Indians was laid off as a commercial town, and the 


lots, whether for dwellings, gardens, or mill seats were sold at 
auction through the agency of a state commission. 


The whole of the Reserve at Coweta Falls, with the 
exception of 144 half acre lots, the Commons around 
the town, and a square of ten acres for the Court-house 
of the county, has been disposed of. The half acre lots 
reserved are on the South West part of the town, and 
not considered of much value. The gross amount of 
sales was $130,994. One of the half acre lots sold for 
$1,855. A hundred acre lot, three or four miles from 
town, brought $2,110—another $1,600 and a third up- 
wards of $1,100. These were supposed to command 
Mill-seats. About 65 lots, on an average, were sold 
each day. The property brought fair prices, and the 
conduct of the Commissioners is understood to have 
been unexceptionable. 


268 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


The prospects of this new town are truly flattering. 
One of the Editors of this paper attended the sales, and 
can speak of its local situation and rare advantages from 
personal observation. The town is laid off on a high 
level, dry plain, immediately opposite to the Falls or 
rather Rapids of the Chatahoochie, on an elevation of 
forty or fifty feet above the river. 

The town lots are laid off about an equal ativranalid 
above and below the head of Steam-boat navigation: 
none of them extend to the river bank, but a beautiful 
promenade is left along its whole extent, which is the 
highest ground on the plan of the town, and affords a 
commanding view of the picturesque rapids above, and 
of the placid deep river below. At the head of naviga- 
tion the river is upwards of 100 yards wide and from 
three to eight feet deep. A few hundred yards above, 
at the rapids, the usual width of the river is 260 yards— 
but when we saw it, at an unusual dry time, the whole 
current of water rushed, with inconceivable velocity, 
through a single aperture in the rocks of 50 or 60 feet 
wide. . . There is no mud and not an acre of low 
grounds or marsh on either side of the river near the 
town. The place has every appearance of being healthy, 
and is decidedly better situated in this respect than 
Augusta, Milledgeville or Macon. The rapids of the 
Chatahoochie at Coweta Falls very much resemble 
those of James river at Richmond, Va. 

That Columbus will become a very important town, 
and very soon too, we cannot for a moment doubt. Such 
was the opinion of all who attended the sales, and many 
shrewd men from different parts, attracted by curiosity 
or the prospect of speculation, had congregated there. 
The population in February last was about 500-it is 
said now to be upwards of 1300. A number of frame 


FRONTIER SETTLEMENT 269 


buildings, set on blocks, ready to be moved to any lot, 
were offered for sale, and found ready purchasers. One 
gentleman contracted for the erection of buildings, to be 
put up with all possible expedition, to the amount of 
$5000. Another advertised for 200,000 brick, for the 
erection of a brick building. The bricks made at Co- 
lumbus are of a superior quality, and many of the build- 
ings, when timber becomes more scarce, will probably 
be of brick. 


XIX. FRONTIER INDUSTRY 


1. SELF-DEPENDENCE REQUIRED 


Letter of the Reverend John Urmstone, North Carolina, July 7, 1711, 
to the secretary of the Society for Propagating the Gospel, from 
F. L. Hawks’s History of North Carolina (Fayetteville, 1857-1858), 
vol. ii, 215, 216. 


Workmen are dear and scarce. I have about 
a dozen acres of clear ground, and the rest woods, in all, 
three hundred acres. Had I servants and money, I 
might live very comfortably upon it, raise good corn of 
all sorts, and cattle without any great labor or charges, 
could it once be stocked; but for want thereof shall not 
make any advantage of my land. I have bought a 
horse some time ago; since that, three cows and calves, 
' five sheep, and some fowls of all sorts, but most of them 
unpaid for, together with fourteen bushels of wheat, for 
all which I must give English goods. At this rate I 
might have had any thing that either this government 
or any of the neighboring colonies afford; but had I 
stock, I need not fear wanting either butter, cheese, beef, 
or mutton, of my own raising, or good grain of all sorts. 
I am forced to work hard with axe, hoe, and spade. I 
have not a stick to burn for any use, but what I cut down 
with my own hands. I am forced to dig a garden, raise 
beans, peas, etc., with the assistance of a sorry wench my 
wife brought with her from England. 

Men are generally of all trades, and women the like 
within their spheres, except some who are the posterity 
of old planters, and have great numbers of slaves, who 
understand most handicraft. Men are generally car- 


O72 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


penters, joiners, wheelwrights, coopers, butchers, tan- 
ners, shoemakers, tallowschandlers, watermen, and what 
not; women, soap-makers, starch-makers, dyers, etc. He 
or she that cannot do all these things, or hath not slaves 
that can, over and above all the common occupations of 
both sexes, will have but a bad time of it; for help is not 
to be had at any rate, every one having business enough 
of his own. This makes tradesmen turn planters, and 
these become tradesmen. No society one with another, 
with all study to live by their own hands, of their own 
produce; and what they can spare, goes for foreign 
goods. Nay, many live on a slender diet to buy rum, 
sugar, and molasses, with other such like necessaries, 
which are sold at such a rate that the planter here is but 
a slave to raise a provision for other colonies, and dare 
not allow himself to partake of his own creatures, ex- 
cept it be the corn of the country in hominy bread. 


2. AN EXAMPLE OF VERSATILITY 


Advertisement from the Winchester (Va.) Gazette, Dec. 2, 1801. 

WANTING IMMEDIATE EmpLoy. A Man without a 
family, either as a Schoolmaster, (which business he has 
followed many years) as Usher, A Tutor, a Clerk, an 
Overseer or a Painter: a man who can be recom- 
mended for sobriety and diligence, who is acquainted 
with the most approved pronunciation of the English 
Language and Orthography; Writing Roman, Italian 
and German text hands, according to the Plates of Dun- 
can, Smith’s standard, London Arithmetic in general, 
Mensuration, Geometry and Plane Trigonometry, with 
their application to all the lower branches of the Math- 
ematics. The revolution of the Solar System, Painting 
on Glass, Wood, Metal or Stone. Japaning and Var- 
nishing, Etching, Engraving, Mezzotinto, Crayons, in 
Water-colours and on silks, or satins, Vocal Music, and 


FRONTIER INDUSTRY 273 


some little of Instrumental ditto. All which he oc- 
casionally would give instructions in, at the direction of 
the employer or employers. To serve a few families as 
a teacher would be most agreeable. Letters of propos- 
als, post paid, directed to Mr. Solomon Henckel, Post- 
master, of Newmarket, Shenandoah county, to the 25th 
of December, next, will be attended to. J.M. 
November 25, 1801. 


3. VARIETY IN CROPS, EARLY CAROLINA PIEDMONT 

(a) News item from the South Carolina Gazette (Charleston), July 15, 

1766. 

We are sorry to hear that the wheat planters in the 
back settlements on the Western frontiers, who are not 
an inconsiderable number, and most of whom place 
their whole Dependence on the raising of that grain, 
are very great sufferers this Year, many of them losing 
their whole crop by the Rust. 

On the other hand, those that have planted Hemp, 
have in general succeeded so well that it is certain a very 
great quantity will be brought to Market for Exporta- 
tion, so that this Commodity promises fair to become an- 
other staple. 

Madder has lately been planted and it is said, will 
produce to advantage. In short, there are very few 
things that may not be brought to Perfection here, with 
a little Patience and Industry, for it is but a few years 
since, that scarce a good Cabbage, Turnip, Beet, Carrot 
or Irish Potatoes could be found in our Markets; but 
now they are raised in such Quantity and Perfection 
that none of the two last need be imported again. 

(b) News letter from Charleston, S.C., dated Nov. 14, 1768, and 

printed in the Boston (Mass.) Chronicle, Dec. 5-12, 1768. 
Since the beginning of this month, several 
large quantities of excellent tobacco, made in the back 


274. AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


settlements, have been brought to this market; and we 
are told, it might soon be made a very considerable arti- 
cle among our exports, were two inspectors appointed 
at each of the following places, viz, Congarees, Cam- 
den, Charraw Hill, and Charles Town. 

The northwestern, north and northeastern parts of 
this Province, have lately been so greatly improved, that 
(altho’ so many of the people have been a long time past 
employed in works of Reformation or Regulation) we 
are informed, the quantity of Hemp made last year is 
nearly doubled this; that the inhabitants now manufac- 
ture most of their linens (such as cost in England from 
12 to 18d.a yard) Linsey-Woolsey, and even coarse 
cloths: that it has been proposed shortly to establish a 
stocking manufactory amongst them; that saw-mills are 
erecting in various parts; and the produce of good 
wheat has been so great this year that we may soon ex- 
pect, from Camden alone, 2000 barrels of flour and 
1500 of ship bread. 

(c) Letter of Jennett Linn, South Carolina, May 3, 1779, to John 

Linn, captain in the Revolutionary army. MS. in the possession of 


the Wisconsin Historical Society, Draper Collection, VV, vol. ix, 
no. 72. 


May the 3d 1779. 

Dear and Loving Husband, I received your letter 
dated April the twenty seventh last past, I gladly Em- 
brace this opportunity to let you know that I and the 
children are all in good health at present blessed be God 
for his Mercies wishing these may find you in good 
health also the frost that was on Thursday the twenty 
ninth of last month hath killed the chief part of the 
Wheat and the Rice, if not all, it killed also part of the 
Flax, nothing would be more Desirable to me, than to 
have your Company, at home with me, but I would be 


FRONTIER INDUSTRY 275 


far from Desireing you to Desert, I have got the field 
for the Corn cleared, and William Paul hath p[1]owed 
it for me, and I expect to get it planted this Week, no 
Person hath molested me, to Rob me as yet, but I am 
many times in great fear when dogs bark at Night I add 
no more at present but I remain your Loving and affec- 
tionate Wife until Death. JENNETT LINN. 
Please to tell John Rock and John McDill that each 
of their Wives are ill. 
[Addressed] Mr. John Linn at Camp in Captain John 
Nixon’s Company in Colonel Winn’s Regiment. 


4. HOUSE- AND FENCE-BUILDING CONTRACTS IN 
THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY, 1755 


MS. memoranda in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, 
Draper Collection, QQ, vol. i, no. 83. 
(a) Contract for house-building. 


Memorandum of an agreement made between John 
Johnson of the one Part and Col. James Patton of the 
other Part both of Augusta County Witnesseth that the 
sd. Johnson is to build a Framed House for the sd. Pat- 
ton on Mark James Place on James river, the house to 
be thirty two feet long and eighteen feet wide from out- 
side to outside to be eight feet from floor to floor to be 
covered and weatherboarded with clapboards two Tire 
of joists to be laid and the whole jobb to be finished in a 
workmanlike manner against ye first day of July next, 
for which the sd. Patton is to pay the sd. Johnson seven 
Pistoles and a half as soon as the work is finished and to 
find him Diet and Lodging Hawling and help to Raise 
the Frame and Nails for the whole Jobb To the true 
performance of the above agreement—Each party do 
hereby bind themselves to each other in the Penal Sum 
of fifteen Pistoles to be paid to the Party observing by 


276 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


the Party failing for witness whereof both parties have 
hereunto set their hands and seals this 26th Feby 1775. 
his 
JOHN X JOHNSON. 
mark 
Witness Present, WM. PRESTON JAMES PATTON. 


(b) Contract for fence-building. 

Memorandum of an agreement made between Peter 
Loony of y* one Part and James Patton of y° other Part 
both of Augusta County, Witnesseth that the s* Loony 
is to cut and maul Eight Thousand Fence Rails at 
Eleven Feet and a half long and of a proper thickness 
and to haul and build the same into a good well Laid 
fence Seven Rails high and a Rider the Fence to be 
made Hog Proof, to have good Stakes eight and a half 
feet long and well sunk in the ground and the Rails for 
the whole Jobb to be made within the s* Fence which is 
to be on the Land this Day laid off for that purpose or 
where the s° Loony shall be directed by the s* James 
Patton or George Wilson on Mark Jones Place—which 
Jobb is to be finished and complete according to Agree- 
ment against the first day of May next for which the s* 
James Patton is to pay the Sum of Twelve Pounds Cur- 
rency as soon as the work is finished and the s* Loony is 
hereby further obliged to put a chunck of wood under 
every corner of the s‘ fence the thickness of a Rail and 
to be at least one foot long and find himself Diet, Lodg- 
ing, Hawling &c. for the true performance of the above 
agreement both parties do bind themselves to each 
other in the Penal Sum of Twenty Four Pounds to be 
paid by the Delinquent to the Party observing as wit- 
nesses our hands and seals this 27" Day of Feb’ 1755. 

PETER LOONEY—J AMES PATTON. 


FRONTIER INDUSTRY 277 


5. CATTLE DROVING 


Notice from the La Fourche Gazette (Donaldson, La.), June 24, 1826. 

DISGRACEFUL. A Western drover, in a late Wheel- 
ing (Vir.) Gazette, with much simplicity states his 
grievances, and the ‘“‘mean conduct of a steam-boat Cap- 
tain.” 

On the 12th. of April, 1826, as I was driving 45 head 
of fat cattle up the Ohio river, a little above Mrs. Par- 
riott’s in Ohio county, Va. the steam boat Clinton 
crossed the river a little behind the cattle and kept close 
along the shore until she got about midway of the cattle, 
when she let off 3 or 4 blasts of steam, and the cattle 
started up the river as if the deuce was in them. I kept 
before them for more than a mile and a half, when hay- 
ing the advantage of a bridge I succeeded in turning 
them, and when they came opposite the boat she gave 
them 3 or 4 blasts more, and the men on the boat gave a 
shout, and being not yet satisfied they gave my horse a 
few blasts. The name of the captain of the boat I knew 
not, but I wish to caution the public against a man of 
such mean and disgraceful conduct. I can easily prove 
the above facts. Wo. JOHNSON. 
Tyler County, Va., May 4. 


6. BEE HUNTING 


News item from the Baton Rouge (La.) Gazette, Dec. 2, 1826. 

Missouri. The Missouri Intelligencer published at 
Fayette, states that there had been, for some days pre- 
vious to the 21st. ult. a frequent passing of waggons 
through that town, accompanied by men armed with 
guns and dogs. They were generally bound for the 
head waters of Charlton Grand, and some as far as the 
Des Moines rivers, a Bee hunting. From four to five 


278 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


men usually accompany each waggon and team of four, 
five, or six horses, and provided with provisions for an 
absence of from three to five weeks. It was also stated, 
that no less than forty waggons thus equipped, were go- 
ing from that county alone, in search of one of the arti- 
cles for which Canaan was so celebrated; and that a cor- 
responding number in proportion to the population, 
would set forth from the ten or twelve adjacent coun- 
ties. 
7. ORGANIZED BARTER 


Advertisement from the Knoxville (Tenn.) Register, Dec. 3, 1824. 

Campbell’s Station, I am receiving at my store in this 
place and at Kingston a new supply of goods, being in 
much want of money will sell them as low as they are 
sold for the same sort of pay in Knoxville; will take in 
exchange for goods whiskey, when in new barrels and 
all of oak, country [l]inen, linsey, feathers, sewing- 
thread, shoe-thread, beef hides, oats, corn, lamb’s wool, 
fur skins, Salt at both places for two dollars for fifty 
pounds. At Kingston by the barrel at one dollar and 
seventy five cents for fifty pounds. Wanted as many 
wagons as I can get to haul salt from King’s works to 
this place, I will give five pounds of salt more than is 
given for hawling to Knoxville. SAMUEL MARTIN. 
May 7, 1824. 


XX. FRONTIER SOCIETY 


1, THE GEORGIA-CAROLINA FRONTIER ON THE 
EVE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


Recruiting Journal of Richard Elliott, 1775. MS. in the possession 
of the Charleston Library, Charleston, S.C. 

Set out from Chas. Town 24th June and proceeded to 
the Hut on the Savannah the same evening, halted all 
Sunday there and early on Monday set out for Green 
Savannah where I joined Lieuts. Shubrick and Dunbar 
then made a quick march through Jacksonburgh to 
Andalusia and took up our quarters there till Tuesday 
morning, at which time we again set out with our ser- 
vants, musicians and others in our retinue, making al- 
together thirteen riders and crossing the Salkatchers ar- 
rived at Pocotaligo to dinner where being in hopes of 
getting some men we put up till the next morning 
treated several with wine grog etc but enlisted none. On 
Wednesday we called at the Forrest and dined bated our 
horses and refreshed ourselves without any expense in 
the afternoon proceeded to Mr. Palmers at Laurel Hill, 
lodged there and on Thursday went on a recruiting 
party and enlisted two men, then returned and dined at 
Laurel Hill where we spent the evening enlisting two 
females for the service and on the morning following 
set out for Barochecola, not finding anyone there we 
proceeded on to Savannah River and arrived at the Two 
Sisters Bluff crossed it about eleven o’clock the same 
morning, halted at a Tavern kept by Pace and dined 
there upon bacon, greens and tough bread and some 


280 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


cold victuals carried from Laurel Hill, From thence we 
continued on our tour to Mt. Dills, but some of our 
party who had stopt at a house to try and enlist men not 
coming up with us this night we halted here till late 
next morning at which time the Sergt. arrived with one 
recruit. Our phaeton hounds being broke on the jour- 
ney of the night before we halted at a black smiths about 
a mile further up the road near the saw-mill to get it 
mended and here read over to Capt. Green of the Mili- 
tia several political papers which animated him and 
served to promote the business he was then upon of call- 
ing the people together to keep delegates to represent 
them in a Congress to be held at Savannah the beginning 
of July. From this smiths we proceeded on to Her- 
berts Tavern in St. Georges Parish about twenty miles 
higher up the country and being informed of several 
men in and about that neighborhood willing to enlist we 
halted here three days during which time we enlisted 
twenty men all of them young and twelve of this num- 
ber of the Grenadier Size; on the Monday following I 
gave a Barbacue to the recruits with leave to invite their 
friends and their lasses of the Vicinage to a Virginia 
hop, about forty attending the barbacue was served up 
and as soon as dinner was over the old Virginia dance 
began and continued till the evening when the lasses re- 
turned to their homes and some of the men with them 
having orders to meet me at Col. Bartons the morning 
after from which place Lieut. Shubrick crossed Savan- 
nah River with the recruits and one Sergt. and marched 
for the head quarters at Chas. Town on the fifth day of 
July 1775. 

The Phaeton being thoroughly repaired by Mr. Bur- 
ton, who keeps a yard here for building large boats, 
schooners, and I engaged two pretty boats from him, 


FRONTIER SOCIETY 281 


set out with the rest of my party for the upper country, 
about 11 o'clock, and arrived at Mr. Stephen Smiths in 
Hallifax County about 4 in the afternoon of the same 
day, here we halted and received an invitation to spend 
two or three days, as Mr. Smith informed us there were 
to be two large musters within that time, one on the 
Carolina side and the other on the Georgia side, the 
one on the latter side was a company of militia com- 
manded by Captain Walker, one of the old Protestors 
against the general proceedings of Savannaenses, when 
they formerly attempted to choose a committee and elect 
delegates to send to the Continental Congress in Phila- 
delphia and Col. Thomas of the hallifax district, who 
was the leading man on this unhappy occasion, having 
accidentally fallen in company with those (gentlemen) 
militia officers, a day or two before at a county Court 
where they proceeded as Magistrates, and retiring to 
dinner after the business of their Court was over I had 
an opportunity of laying before these gentlemen some 
political pieces, which I imagined greatly contributed 
to their reformation, as they discovered the secrets of 
our Arbitrary Ministers, and explained all the cruelties 
and injustice of the proceedings of Parliament against 
the American Colonies. 

The following day we went with Mr. Smith and 
Lieut. Dunbar being ill with a fever was left with Mrs. 
Smith whose care and attendance showed her hospital- 
ity on this occasion to our sick Lieut. and the Recruiting 
Party under my direction to the Hallifax muster where 
We saw about 200 men drawn up in rank and file, their 
Col. Thomas told them that he had called them to this 
muster to let them know the Georgians were again en- 
deavoring to enter into an Association, and to chuse 
delegates to represent them in a General Committee to 


282 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


be holden at Savannah early in July, that he had for- 
merly been averse to the American measures and op- 
posed them, but that he had now altered his mind and 
should do all that he could in favor of America, he did 
not expect matters would ever have come to such a 
height but since the Battle of Lexington he was con- 
vinced America was to be hard rode, and drove like 
slaves if the Americans were inactive or inattentive &c 
&c that for his part he could not sign the Association 
which he then held in his hand because he held two 
commissions from the King’s representative the Gover- 
nor, that he intended to resign them in three days and 
should then put his name at the head of the Association, 
this he declared at the head of the battallion, recom- 
mending such as chose to sign it, many thereupon did 
sign it. An Ensign gave his commission to a Colonel and 
put his name also to it, others promised to put their 
names whenever they saw their Colonel’s and Captain’s 
names down tho’ they did not think otherwise than that 
he would do as he had publicly declared to them. The 
Battallion being discharged Col. Thomas assisted in 
persuading some young men to enlist and before dinner 
we got eight here, returning to Mr. Smith’s that night 
we set out early on the next morning for the muster 
field at Williamsons Cow Pen, to meet the militia com- 
pany there commanded by Captain Wilson, one of the 
Provincial Delegates, on our way, soon after we had 
crossed Savannah River, we overtook, Captain Ben. 
Catyele of the First Regmt. also going to the same place, 
as we imagined our business would clash I agreed to 
enlist none but those that of the Grenadier Size, and 
he promised to take none but those that were under that 
height, when we arrived the company was drawn up, 
and consisted of about 180 men in rank and file. The 


- 


FRONTIER SOCIETY 283 


Captain read the Carolina Association to them then 
called out for them to sign it, and it was in general 
signed. They were then told by the Captain that the 
Congress had resolved to raise two Regiments of five 
hundred men in each, that we were then come there to 
enlist any that were willing. I then told them the 
terms and conditions of their entering into the service, 
they in general declared their willingness to go forth 
when called upon by the Congress but would not enlist 
nor were we able out of this company of remarkably 
large-sized men to get more than four, two of which 
Captain Cattele enlisted, the cause of this I attributed 
to the Captain who tho’ he would show a seeming 
willingness, often said that if he wanted to go they 
would go, but would not quit their Captain. Many 
of those men are young men and would be very proper 
for the service as they have little and some no property, 
but live on the cattle of the neighboring stocks and 
deer they kill by fire hunting at night, as I was well 
informed; we had a little humorous hop here and re- 
turned into Hallifax County again the same night to 
our hospitable friend Mr. Smith, where we rested one 
day being the Sabbath, and on Monday Lieut. Dunbar 
being able to ride, and being desirous of going to town 
was sent off with Sergt. Hawes and 14 Recruits and 
one volunteer. 

The same day I crossed Savvannah River at Perry’s 
Ferry and proceeded up to Galphin’s at Silver Bluff, 
where I met with Capt. Cattle again who had just got 
about fourteen men ready to go for headquarters. [ halt- 
ed here one day and enlisted two men Mr Galphin’s 
hospitality was so great it was with difficulty I could 
get away however after seeing his Indigo fields and 
Spirals Pumps and breakfasting with his mixed breed 


284 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


daughters politely enough educated with music &c we 
set out for Augusta and he with us as far as his saw- 
mill about three miles distant from Galphin Town, we 
proceeded from this place on a rough road and arrived 
at Fort More just in the close of the day. Fort More 
is built with stockades on a bluff about 200 feet above 
the bed of the river but is now so out of repair that 
neither the stockades or the barracks are tenable. 


2. A GEORGIA CAMP MEETING IN THE PIONEER 
PERIOD 


A letter to the editor, in the Farmer’s Gazette (Sparta, Ga.), Aug. 8, 
1807, signed Jesse Lee. 


The Methodists have lately had a Camp-Meeting in 
Hancock County, about three miles south of Sparta in 
Georgia— The meeting began on Tuesday, 28th July, 
at 12 o'clock, and ended on Saturday following. We 
counted thirty-seven Methodist preachers at the meet- 
ing; and with the assistance of a friend I took an ac- 
count of the Tents, and there were one hundred and 
seventy-six of them, and many of them were very large. 
From the number of people who attended preaching 
at the rising of the sun, I concluded that there were 
about 3000 persons, white and black together, that 
lodged on the ground at night. I think the largest 
congregation was about 4000 hearers. 

We fixed the plan to preach four times a day—at 
sunrise, 10 o'clock, 3 o’clock and at night; and in gen- 
eral we had an exhortation after the sermon. We had 
14 sermons preached at the Stage; and 9 exhortations 
given after the sermons were closed ; besides these, there 
were two sermons preached at the Tents on one night, 
when it was not convenient to have preaching at the 
Stage. 

The ground was laid out in a tolerable convenient 


FRONTIER SOCIETY 285 


place, containing 4 or 5 acres, and the Tents were 
pitched close to each other; yet the ground only admit- 
ted of about 120 Tents in the lines; the other Tents 
were pitched behind them in an irregular manner. We 
had plenty of springs convenient for to supply men and 
beasts with water. 

The first day of the meeting, we had a gentle and 
comfortable moving of the spirit of the Lord among 
us; and at night it was much more powerful than be- 
fore, and the meeting was kept up all night without 
intermission—however, before day the white people re- 
tired, and the meeting was continued by the black 
people. 

On Wednesday at 10 o'clock the meeting was re- 
markably lively, and many souls were deeply wrought 
upon; and at the close of the sermon there was a gen- 
- eral cry for mercy; and before night there were a good 
many persons who professed to get converted. That 
night the meeting continued all night, both by the white 
& black people, and many souls were converted be- 
fore day. 

On Thursday the work revived more & spread farther 
than what it had done before; and at night there was 
such a general stir among the mourners at the Stage 
that we did not attempt to preach there; and as we had 
but one Stage it was thought best to have preaching at 
some of the Tents. The meeting at the Stage continued 
all night and several souls were brought to God before 
day, and some just as the day broke. 

Friday was the greatest day of all. We had the 
Lord’s Supper at night, by candlelight, where several 
hundred communicants attended; and such a solemn 
time I have seldom seen on the like occasion; three of 
the preachers fell helpless within the altar; and one 


286 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


lay a considerable time before he came to himself. 
From that the work of convictions and conversions 
spread, and a large number were converted during the 
night, and there was no intermission until the breake 
of day—at that time many stout hearted sinners were 
conquered. 

On Saturday morning we had preaching at the rising 
of the sun; and then with many tears we took leave of 
each other. 

I suppose there was about eighty souls converted at 
that meeting, including white and black people. It is 
thought by many people that they never saw a better 
Camp-Meeting in Georgia. 

The people in general behaved exceedingly well; and 
there was not a public reproof given from the pulpit 
during the meeting. There were a few disorderly per- 
sons who brought liquors to sell, &c. But the Magis- 
trates took some of them with a State warrant, and 
bound them over to court; after this we were more 
quiet. This Camp-Meeting will long live in the mem- 
ories of many of the people who attended it. 


3. ITEMS FROM’ THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY 
1746 to 1754 
Extracts from the records of Augusta County, Va., printed in the 


Virginia Historical Register, vol. iii, passim. ‘The items are here 
given with editorial remarks as printed in the Register. 


May 1746. ‘John Preston came into Court and 
prayed leave to prove his importation, which was 
granted him: and thereupon he made oath that, at his 
own charge, he had imported himself, Elizabeth his 
wife, William his son, and Lettica and Ann his daugh- 
ters, immediately from Ireland into this colony, and 
that this is the first time of proving his said right in 
order to partake of his Majesty’s bounty for taking 


FRONTIER SOCIETY 287 


up land.” At the same Court it was “ordered that 
Edward Boyle for damning the Court and swearing 
four oaths in their presence, be put in the stocks for two 
hours and be fined twenty shillings.” 

Feb. 19th, 1751. “The petition of John and Reuben 
Harrison praying a reward for killing two persons 
under the command of Ute Perkins, who were en- 
deavoring to rob them, was read and ordered to be 
mereicd,. .. .” 

Noy. 28th, 1750. “The grand jury for this county 
present Jacob Coger for a breach of the peace, by driv- 
ing hogs over the Blue Ridge on the Sabbath day, 
within two months last past.” At the succeeding May 
court, James Frame was presented “for a breach of 
the Sabbath in unnecessarily travelling ten miles,” and 
was fined five shillings. 

May 30th, 1751. “The petition of John David 
Wilpirt setting forth that he had been at considerable 
trouble and expense in coming from the Northward 
and settling in these parts—and that he has rented three 
lots in the new-erected town of Staunton, through 
which runs a good and convenient stream of water for 
building a mill—and praying leave to build a grist and 
fulling mill—was read,” &c. The petition was opposed 
by John Lewis, who had a mill within a mile of town, 
and the case was taken to the General Court. 

Aug. 28th. “Robert McClanahan, Gent., Sheriff, 
having informed the court that Henry Witherington, 
a servant boy belonging to John Stevenson, was in jail, 
and that he had an iron lock around his neck with a 
gag in his mouth-it is ordered by the court that he 
immediately take off the same.” The numerous ap- 
plications to the court in relation to indented servants 
show that there were many of them in the county at 
that day. 


288 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Aug. 29th. ‘Ordered that the Sheriff employ a 
workman to make a ducking-stool for the use of this 
-county, according to law. MS 

Nov. 27th ‘The grand jury present Owen Craw- 
ford for drinking a health to King James and refusing 
to drink a health to King George. . .” 

Nov. 27th, 1751. ‘The court proceeded to lay the 
county levy, and allowance was made for 224 wolves’ 
heads.” Robert Breckenridge produced sixteen, and 
Alex. Wright fifty-one, which were assigned to them. 
Fifty thousand and six hundred pounds of tobacco was 
the amount paid for them. 

Nov. 29th, 1750. ‘‘The Rev. John Todd, a Dissent- 
ing minister, came into court, and took the oaths pre- 
scribed by act of Parliament to be taken instead of the 
oaths of allegiance and supremacy and the abjuration 
oath, and made and subscribed the rest, which, on his 
motion is ordered to be certified.” 

March 22nd, 1753. ‘“‘Henry Lancisco, A German 
Protestant, having produced a certificate from a Prot- 
estant clergyman of his having taken the sacrament, 
and made oath of his being an inhabitant of this colony 
upwards of twelve years, and having taken the usual 
oaths, certificate is granted him for obtaining letters 
of naturalization.” 

May 17th, 1754. ‘“‘Anne—, wife of James—, having 
come into court and abused William Wilson, Gent., 
one of the Justices for this county, by calling him a 
rogue, and that on his coming off the bench ‘she would 
give it to him with the devil’-itis therefore ordered 
that the Sheriff take her into custody.” 


FRONTIER SOCIETY 289 


_ 4. SEEKING A WIFE 


Extract from a letter of Peter Hoy, Staunton, Va., Sept. 15, 1764, to 
Col. William Preston, at Greenfield. MS. in the possession of the 
Wisconsin Historical Society, Draper Collection, QQ, vol. ii, no. 56. 


I intend down as far as Richmond, perhaps as far 
as the capital some Time in October or November and 
have determined to call at Pamunky when down that 
I may no longer worship a shadow but either banish 
the Idol or admire the Fair, therefore must request 
you to let me know by the first Conveyance the name 
of the Charmer and whether the elder or the younger 
of the two sisters that bears the amiable character of 
being the most worthy of her sex, I shall likewise re- 
connoitre the fair enthusiast on this side of the stream, 
and by the assistance of our mutual friend Joel perhaps 
I may know how far my addresses there would be agree- 
able. If there comes time enough to have you answer 
by Capt. Lockhart it would greatly oblige, Dear Will, 


Your Afflly. 
5. INDIAN RELATIONS 


(a) Warrant issued by James Patton, Augusta County, Va. (in the 
Shenandoah Valley), Jan. 30, 1755. MS. in the possession of the 
Wisconsin Historical Society, Draper Collection, QQ, vol. i, no. 70. 


Augusta County 
Whereas Complaint has been made to me James 
Patton one of his ma™ Justices of the Peace for s* 
County by the Emperor of the Cherroke Nation and 
Mr. Jno. Watts his interpreter that lately at the house 
of Erwin Patterson as the s* Emperor was returning 
from the Governor of Virginia, one Jno. Conily Beat, 
Bled and abused him in a very gross manner contrary 
to the Peace of our Sovereign Lord the King and the 
Laws now in force. 
Charles Sinclair also complains [th]at he Killed and 


290 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Skinned Deer and left the Carcases by his fence, and 
on hearing of s* Sinclair’s complaint killed his two fine 
Dogs which he had for a Guard for his House. And 
as the s* Conily is a known Vagrant Loose in his Morals 
and worse in his behavior on all occasions which he 
has verrified for these three years past on New River 
Holstons River Branches of Y° Missipia. During w™ 
time he has had no certain Place of abode but sulking 
about Pretending to be a Hunter & has been very 
abusive to several of his Ma™ subjects in those Remote 
Parts And further the Emperor unless he has Rec* 
Sattisfaction of Connily for s* abuse he has rec* he will 
inform his nation who will have Revenge on the white 
People for such [illegible] w* may be of Fatal Con- 
sequences to these Frontier [illegible]. 

To all Sherriffs & Constables & Officers of the Militia 
and Others of [his] Ma Liege People in Augusta but 
in Particular to Captain Adam Harmon, Ebenezer 
Waishoat Allex’ Syers, Josep Crocket, Sam’ Starnicker 
& Rob‘ Bon, to make Diligent Search for s* Conily 
and when found to bring him before me under a suffc* 
Guard be dealt with according to Law. 

And I do hereby forbid and Discharge all Persons 
whatsoever to Secrete, Harbour, or Intertain S* Conily 
as they shall answer to ye Contrary. Given under my 
hand and seal this 30th Jany. 1755. JAMES PATTON. 


(b) Affidavit made by John Watts, Jan. 20, 1753, giving occasion for 
the issue of the above warrant. Ibid., no. 71. 


The Deposision of John Watts Taken before me- 
James Patton one of his Majestys Justices of the Peace 
for Augusta County—on his Oath saith That at Erwin 
Patterson house in said County the Emperor of the 
Cherokee Nation Being There was made Drunke and 


FRONTIER SOCIETY 291 


afterwards insulted and abused in a very gross maner 
in so much that Erwin Patterson ordered him to Be 
tayed [tied?] which John Conley Did and in so Doing 
the Emperor was so much abused that the Blood 
gushed out of his mouth and Nose and when this 
Deponent cam and Relived the Emperor he said it was 
well for him he was there otherwise he Believed they 
would have killed him. Also it is consistent with his 
Deponents knowledge that Erwin Patterson and the 
Emperor had many Quarlles which was occasioned by 
an Empression the Emperor had of said Patterson hav- 
ing Criminal Conversation with the Empress and that 
once he had Discovered them in the very act and would 
have Shot them Both if he had had his gun. This 
above passage the Emperor related to this Deponent 
upon which the said Deponent discoursed with the 
Empress Concerning the matter which she acknowl- 
edged to Be true and that Patterson had Debautched 
her offten was criminel with her and promised to take 
her for his wife as soon as he would go to the Nation. 
Also this Deponent further saith that in the moneth 
of Jun Last the said Patterson came to the Cherokeey 
Nation with goods &c and as he was a stranger this 
Deponent made him acquainted with the Rulls and 
methods of treading with the Indians and told him 
what the Consequences of Breaking the Established 
Rulls of Regulation might be &c. Notwithstanding 
all the aforesaid caution the said Patterson Brok the 
known Rulles of tread which had Like to have Cost 
the Lives of all the Treaders then in the Neation who 
wer all obliged to Be on their Guard till with the Great- 
est Difficulty they got the Affair accommodated and 
made up By means of the Emperor and his Brother in 


292 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Law (a great warrior and a noble man of the first rank) 
who were Both fast friends to the white men &c. and 
furder this Deponent saith Nott. JOHN WarTTs. 
Sworen Before me the 2oth of Janry. 1753. 


6. DEFENCE 


(a) A ranger’s journal, Virginia, 1692, printed in the Calendar of 
Virginia State Papers (Richmond, 1875), vol. i, 44. Printed also 
in K. M. Rowland’s Life of George Mason (New York, 1892), vol. i, 
21. 


A Journiall of our Ranging, Given by me, David 
Strahane, Lieut. of y° Rangers of Pottomack— 

June 9" 1692—-We Ranged over Ackoquane & so 
back of the Inhabitants & y° Soth—we returned & dis- 
covered nothing. 

June the 17°—-We Ranged over Acoquane, & so we 
Ranged Round persi[illegible] Neck, & ther we lay 
that night-And on y* 18" came to pohike, & ther we 
heard that Capt. Masone’s serv’-man was missing. Then 
we went to see if we could find him, & we followed his 
foot about halfe a mile, to a house that is deserted, & we 
took y® tract of a great many Indians & we followed it 
about 10 miles, & our horses being weary, & having no 
provisions, we was forced to returne. 

June the 26°—We Ranged up to Jonathan Mathew’s 
hs. along with Capt. Masone, & ther we mett with 
Capt. Housely, & we sent over for the Emperour, but 
he would not come, & we went over to y® towne & they 
held a Masocomacko [ ?] & ordered 20 of their Indians 
to goe after y° Indians that carried away Capt. Masone’s 
man, & so we returned. 

July the 3°-We Ranged up Meapisco, and so back of 
y° Inhabitants, &c. 

July 11°—We Ranged up to Brent-towne, & ther we 
lay, &c. 


FRONTIER SOCIETY 293 


The 19” we ranged up Ackotink, & discovered noth- 
ing, &c. 

So we Ranged once more in y’ Neck till ye 20" Sept™ 
then we marcht to Capt. Masone’s, & ther we mett 
with Capt. Houseley & his men; so we draved out 
12 of our best horses, & so we ranged up Ackotink, & 
ther we lay that night. 

Sept. the 22°-We ranged due North till we came 
on a great Runn, that made into y*° Suggar Land, & we 
marcht down it about 6 miles, & ther we Lay that 
night. 

Sept. the 23°-We marcht to the Suggar Land 
and the 24", We Ranged about to see if we could find 
y° tract of any Indians, but we could not see any fresh 
signe . . . the 26th marcht to Capt. Masone’s, & ther 
I dismissed my men until ye next march, &c., &c. 

(b) Letter of R. Nelson, “Spring Emanance, Red River,” Tennessee, 

Aug. 2, 1789, to Gen. Daniel Smith. MS. in the possession of the 
Wisconsin Historical Society, Draper Collection, XX, vol. iv, no. 56. 


The Red River of Tennessee, lying southwest of Nashville, was at that 
time on the edge of white settlement. 


Spring Emanance Red River, Aug. 2, 1789. 

Dear Genl. As it is more than probable you have been 
informed that matters were conducted in this lower 
quarter agreeable to your orders—I will trouble you 
with a few lines in order to ondeceive you. 

So far as this they have been Complyd with-shortly 
after your orders issued two men were sent to Mr. 
Bills station Who stayed there 14 days. Some time after 
Two more Came and Stayed for 10 days. During their 
stay they did nothing except lie in the garison. would 
not even go to the fields to guard the People at work. 
Sayd it was orders from their officers to do so. The 
People was glad to git Clear of them as the only 
Service they done was to eat their Provisions there being 


294 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


none sent with them. There was also two sent to Mr. 
Elliott’s Station and perhaps one to Mr. Nevells which 
was an interior house. This is the total I assure you 
which every person in this End will certify (Ford 
replies that the min will not turn out (why should they) 
wheh no method is pursued to compel them. They 
have held Several Courtsmartials though never find 
but one man who had insulted Some of their Court— 
though its nothing but what we expect as he promised 
the people he could not on any Occation force them to 
do their duty If they would Vote for him to be Col. (we 
do not insist on having men at present as there seems 
to be a Still Time. 

Its the generl wish of the people in this quarter that 
the first default may be taken holt of to remove those 
good Officers from Commission—as we never expect to 
have a chance of defending ourselves while they con- 
tinue. 

It is impossible to raise a scout to pursue the enemy 
when they invade us— (There is only about a dozen of 
us That does all ‘That kind of duty.) Colo Ford instead 
of incouraging the men to turn out on those Accasions 
ruther Discourages—he says the last word you told him 
when he saw you last To indulge the People as far as 
possible. That it was a pitty to take them from their 
cropps he says you are a damd odd sort of a fellow. 
That you give one kind of advice in writing and an- 
other verbally that he hardly knows what to make 
of you— 

If you conceive he has Committed a fault Sufficient 
to Cashire him I hope it will not be Sooth Over and 
youl Much Oblige a number in this quarter. as well 
as you[r] Humble Servt R. NELSON. 
Brig. Dan. Smith 


FRONTIER SOCIETY 295 


N.B. Should you call him to account Mr. Robt 
Duning and McCalister Polock and Ed. Shelby will 
be good witnesses. We would be fond to have it done 
before our numbers go down. 


7. LAWLESSNESS 


(a) Letter of S. Armistead, postmaster, Calland’s Oldstone, Pittsylvania 
County, Va., Dec. 24, 1809, to Joseph Martin, member of the General 
Assembly at Richmond. MS. in the possession of the Wisconsin 
Historical Society, Draper Collection, XX, vol. ii, no. 59. 


Dear Sir, You no doubt begin to want to hear from 
home-—and this being the most convenient channel 
through which to give you information from these parts 
shall make use of it for that purpose whenever anything 
any way interesting or even amusing occurs, during 
your absence— You no doubt occasionally, as leasure 
may permit write me also— 

For the present I have nothing interesting. Yr Bro: 
Tho: was here yesterday Mrs. Martin and Family are 
all well in health everything I believe going on in reg- 
ular order—my little family also in health— I have made 
very good sale of my goods—great crowds of customers 
in which a few evenings ago a disagreeable occurrence 
happened between Wm. Garrett and Mathew Wells 
they split a difference about buying wine—which soon 
grew to a very passionate quarrel; when Garret drew 
out his knife, and swore if he was rushed upon he would 
stab him. Wells then came near him not seeing the 
knife (a dim fire light) rushed in upon him; which 
terminated in five or six stabs recd. by Wells—but for- 
tunately not fatal—two in his Belly (not deep) one or 
two in his thigh (very deep and bled much) behind 
his shoulder—in his head &c. Garrett was arrested and 
tryed before Diven who bound him to bail for his 
appearance at next court—he will I think however un- 
doubtedly be cleared—Wells having rushed on him. 


296 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Ed. Royester I am informed dec* Thursday last— 
occasioned it is said by drinking. Nothing more worth 
yr attention. 

Oh! yes. Maj. Wells’s race mare got beaten in a 
race 32 feet by a little sorrel horse belonging to one 
Deshaisher I Stone lost $20. 

Give me the price of Tobo the news &c &c. 


(b) News item in the Federal Union (Milledgevilie, Ga.), Jan. 24, 
1837, reprinted from the Miner’s Recorder, Jan. 14. 


MURRAY COUNTY AGAIN. It is a matter of painful 
regret with us, at all times,to be called upon by a sense 
of duty we owe ourself, as a faithful journalist, to ex- 
pose the lawless and outrageous conduct of any one, 
however obscure that individual may be. But, upon 
the present occasion, we should consider ourself highly 
culpable, were we to withhold from a scrutinizing 
public, the information we have recently received from 
the highest authority, in relation to the civil condition 
of that ill-fated county. 

It has been reported to us, the truth of which we have 
not the least doubt, that the redoubtable Col. William 
N. Bishop, on the day previous to the recent election, 
collected his “friends” to Spring Place,.and armed 
each man with a musket, for the sole purpose of con- 
ducting the pending election in his own way. That 
on Sunday evening some fifteen or twenty country 
people, unarmed and unprotected, known however, to 
be opposed to the Bishop party, came into town in- 
tending to remain until the election was over. But 
before they had procured a shelter for the night, the 
Colonel, at the head of his company charged upon them, 
and informed them that they could not, nor should not 
remain there, and at the same moment ordered his men 
to fire upon them, which was no sooner said than done, 


FRONTIER SOCIETY 297 


wounding four of them, one it is said mortally. The 
Colonel and his right hand man, that pinck of purity 
and truth, George W. Wacaser, next attacked two 
gentlemen riding in a carriage, and with the butts of 
their muskets in a most shocking manner, bruised and 
mangled their heads and bodies On the day of the elec- 
tion, several travellers were peremptorily refused, and 
actually prohibited from voting at that place, for no 
other reason as it is supposed, other than, that the name 
of Col. Alford was on their tickets. When the election 
was over the returns from the several precincts of the 
county, were excluded from the Spring Place election, 
and that one, made out and certified to the Executive 
Department alone, by which it, of course, appeared 
that the “friends” of Bishop were elected Justices of 
the Inferior Court. This was the great object to be 
attained by him, cost what it might. The Judiciary, 
so far as Murray county is concerned as everybody 
knows, who knows anything of the situation of affairs 
in that county, is a perfect dead letter. The law makes 
it the duty of the Justices of the Inferior Court, the 
Sheriff, and the Clerk of the Superior Court, to revise 
the Jury box, and draw a jury. The county of Murray 
has been in existence for three years and upwards, but 
from the fact that Bishop has heretofore exercised an 
entire control over the Inferior court, a jury has never 
been drawn for that county, consequently the Superior 
court there has never transacted any of its business ex- 
cept that of calling the appearance docket, and dis- 
posing of bar motions. There are, as, we are informed, 
fifteen or twenty debt cases returnable to that court 
against Bishop, and as many indictments for high of- 
fences against the laws of the State, And hence it is, if 
he can again elect a court subservient to his will, a jury 


298 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


will not be drawn for the next four years, or if drawn, 
it will be a packed one. 

We also understand that the opponents of Bishop 
for several days after the election, were engaged in 
collecting a force, arms, etc. for the purpose of reducing 
that lawless bully to submission. How the affair has, 
or will terminate, we are unable to conjecture but trust, 
for the honor and reputation of our State, such a state 
of things will no longer be suffered to exist. 

(c) News item from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, Sept. 20, 1819. 


Extract of a letter to the Editor of the Baltimore Patriot—dated New 
Orleans, August 4, 1819. 


We have received a report in the city from Barrat- 
aria, that the Renegado Mitchell has collected together 
upwards of 150 desperadoes, and has fortified himself 
on an island with several pieces of cannon, and that he 
has declared they will all perish within their intrench- 
ments before they will surrender to any force. There 
are now about 100 men out in search of the late pirates, 
four of whom have been taken and are now in custody— 
but it will require good friends to get hung. A few 
days ago one of them with a pistol in each hand, 
marched boldly through the city guard of eight men, 
with fixed bayonets, and they boldly stood still, and let 
him get off clear—all true disciples of Hudibras. It is 
thought here that it will require five hundred men to 
destroy this nest of pirates. We want the strong arm of 
government extended to this section of the union. We 
are greatly neglected. I hope they will awake from 
their slumbers at Washington and try to put a stop to 
such plunders at our very doors. It is high time to 
be moving towards the Gulf of Mexico. 


FRONTIER SOCIETY 299 


(d) Editorial from the Raleigh (N.C.) Standard, Nov. 1, 1837. 

The most disgraceful scenes have been enacted at 
Vicksburg, Miss., under the operation of the savage 
custom, commonly called Lynch Law. One man has 
been dragged from the bosom of his family, and so 
maimed and mutilated as to become an object of horror 
and pity; another was forced from his house and hung 
upon the next tree; and on Sunday the 24th, an old 
man named Grace, formerly of Warrenton, Va., was 
tried and acquitted before a magistrate, charged with | 
giving free passes to negroes. The lawful decision did 
not satisfy the mob. He was stripped and flogged 
within hearing of the shrieks of his wife and children. 

We know that such shocking tales cannot be told of 
all the Mississippians; for we are sure the very reverse 
is the aspect of society in many places. But there is 
enough to cause our wonder that our citizens can be 
induced by the prospects of gain or any other lure to 
leave the fair Carolinas, the seat of hospitality, kind- 
ness and friendship, to consort with the cacodemons 
of Vicksburg and other sections of the south and west. 
Who so far from profiting from the example of our 
emigrants grow more reckless and abandoned and even 
have the presumption in their pergrinations to attempt 
the introduction of their lawless customs among us, in 
the shape of gamblers and bowie knife assassins. We 
would not be understood to say that the society of North 
Carolina is as yet much contaminated by these wretches. 
But now and then a desultory vagabond appears with 
cards, dice, pistols, and bowie knife; enticing only those 
however who are ripe for destruction, and who place 
themselves above public opinion and the influence of 
moral credenda. 


XXI. MANUFACTURING 


1. MANUFACTURING CENTERS 


(a) News item from the Athens (Ga.) Gazette, June 13, 1816. 

Lexington, Kentucky, May 8. The manufacturing 
establishments in and near this town have reached an 
eminence which ensures their permanent prosperity and 
usefulness. The Lexington woolen manufactory owned 
by Messrs. Prestiss & Co. and Mr. Sander’s cotton and 
woolen manufactory, are in successful operation, be- 
sides numerous other establishments, on a smaller scale, 
of cotton, hemp etc. We understand that at Mr. San- 
der’s about 150 hands are employed, who produce in 
manufactured articles the value of 175 dollars per day, 
or 1050 dollars per week, consisting of cotton yarns, 
sheeting, bed ticking, shirting, counterpanes, table 
cloths, chambrays, casinetts, sattinets, and woolen 
cords, etc. 

(b) Clipping from the Kentucky Gazette, printed in the Town Gazette 

& Farmers’ Register (Clarksville, Tenn.), Sept. 13, 1819. 

We are highly pleased in being able to hope for the 
resuscitation of our Manufacturing establishments. 
The spirit and pride of our citizens will not sleep, even 
amid the agonizing pressure of the times. The exten- 
sive factory reared by the laudable enterprize of Mr. 
Lewis Sanders has fallen into the hands of Messrs. Pos- 
tlethwait, Brand & Co. and operations are this day to be 
commenced. Much is to be expected from the worthy 
example thus set by the present proprietors. Perhaps 
there does not exist west of the Alleghany mountains so 


302 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


judicious and formidable a preparation, for manufac- 
turing, as is now in the hands of these gentlemen. Their 
success would give a glorious impulse to minor estab- 
lishments. Their wealth and standing is pretty good se- 
curity that their exertions will not abate; and every cit- 
izen in the community should exclaim, “God speed 
them.” 


(c) Editorial from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), April 1, 
1845. 

MANUFACTURES AT THE SOUTH. There is no mistak- 
ing the tendency of public opinion on this important 
topic. The success which has attended the efforts of 
those who have ventured their capital and labor in 
manufacturers at the South, has at last opened the eyes 
of the community, and but for the difficulty, or rather 
impossibility, of changing the vested capital of the 
country, we should see a rush into this new field of labor 
which would astonish the world. As it is, there is no 
doubt that a great amount of capital and labor will be 
thrown into manufactures at the South. Every paper 
we receive from the cotton growing region, seems alive 
to the importance of this subject, and many contain 
notices of the rise of new establishments in various 
branches of this almost untried field. 

The position of our state in this change of industrial 
pursuits of the South, is a matter of pleasing regard to 
us. The City of Athens, has the honor and profit of 
having led off in this department of labor. Like a 
Northern manufacturing town she has her rail road, 
and her factories in full operation, and like them, her 
condition is flourishing, amidst the decline and delapi- 
dation of other places. Her position is a little remote 
from the cotton region, but the want of a sufficient water 
power is her great hindrance and puts a limit to her 


MANUFACTURING 303 


operations. The scattering establishments in other parts 
of the State, are founded on the selfish plans too com- 
mon in this region. They are placed on streams too 
small to allow of a great business, and will therefore 
languish, as all solitary attempts at works decidedly 
social in their nature, must do. No mistake is more 
fatal than that which locates a manufactory alone. It 
may for a time flourish, but can never sustain the com- 
petition which great communities of manufactories will 
bring forth. 

(d) Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), Nov. 28, 1848. Letter from 

one of the editors, then on a visit to Columbus, Ga. 

Columbus, November 23, 1848. No community in 
this State, it may be safely affirmed, can boast of a 
larger number of men distinguished for talent and en- 
terprise. The bar is undeniably the ablest in Georgia. 
If we were however to judge the enterprise of the place 
by the railroads that have been built upon paper, but 
have no other “local habitation” Columbus is not on 
this score, entitled to distinction. Her enterprise how- 
ever, or rather that of a few of her citizens, has been 
exhibited in another way. Here to a greater extent 
than in any other part of the State, is manufacturing 
successfully carried on. Indeed, already may Colum- 
bus be denominated the Lowell of Georgia. Her water 
privileges are immense. Two extensive cotton manu- 
facturies are now in operation. Col. Carter of Baldwin 
has just erected another, which in a few months will 
throw off its thousands of yards daily, and contiguous to 
that, is laid the foundation of another. Connected with 
one of these establishments is a machine shop, which 
manufactures all the implements, not only for the fac- 
tories of the place, but fills orders for other and distant 
points. Hard by is the “variety shop” where lumber 


304, AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


is sawed and manufactured into all sorts of ‘‘notions.” 
I have heard the opinion expressed, that in ten years, 
all the cotton received at this market, will be manu- 
factured here. This is a large estimate, but the water 
facilities are ample, and the success of the past and the 
movements now in contemplation, render it not un- 


reasonable. 
2. IRON WORKS 


(a) Advertisement from the Charleston (S.C.) City Gazette, May 12, 
1795, describing the labor system in mining and smelting in the 
remote interior of the Carolinas. 


SALE OF AERA & AETNA IRON WORKS, IN THE STATE OF 
SOUTH CAROLINA 

On the first Monday and Tuesday in November next, 
will be exposed to sale by public auction, in the city 
of Charleston, to the highest bidder, by consent of the 
parties interested therein, those highly valuable and im- 
provable Iron-Works, called Aera and Aetna, situated 
in York county within two miles of the Catawba river in 
the said State, together with about 15,000 acres of land 
lying contiguous to, and attached to the said Iron Works 
and on which are about twenty-five improved farms. On 
the settlement of the Iron Works are a good two story 
brick house, 40 by 35 feet, with cellars, and other neces- 
sary buildings, together with four grist and two saw 
mills. 

There are upwards of ninety negroes attached to the 
works, between 70 and 80 of whom are grown, the rest 
are children. Most of these negroes have been em- 
ployed for a considerable time at the works, and are 
very useful and valuable as forgemen, blacksmiths, 
founders, miners, and various other occupations. 

The waggons, teams and every utensil belonging to 
the works, will be sold also; a schedule of which, added 


MANUFACTURING 305 


to the negroes, as also plats of the land, will be ready to 
be produced in Charleston for ten days previous to the 
sale, and the whole may be viewed at any time on 
the spot. 

The whole of the land, with the Iron Works, build- 
ings, and improvements of every sort thereon, together 
with all the negroes, waggons, teams, and every utensil, 
agreeably to the schedule to be produced, will be ex- 
posed to sale in one entire lot. 

The conditions of sale will be a deposit of one twelfth 
part of the purchase money to be paid down on the day 
sale, one other twelfth part when the titles are ready 
to be delivered, the remainder to be paid in 5 equal 
annual instalments, with the interest annually at the rate 
of 7 per cent. from the day of sale, on bond secured by 
a mortgage of the property, and such personal security 
as shall be approved. For a more particular and ac- 
curate description of these works and the lands attached 
thereto, reference may be had to the annexed state there- 
of, taken a few years past by a person well qualified 
therefor, and totally disinterested. 

WILLIAM HILL, Proprietor of one moiety. 
Executors of the estate of Col. 
Isaac Hayne, authorized to 
agree to this sale by the proprie- 
tors of the other moiety. 


IsAAC HAYNE 
THOMAS JONES 
ED. DARRELL 


ACCOUNT OF THE IRON WORKS in South Carolina, 
made a few years ago, by a workman of skill and judg- 
ment on the spot, commonly called Hill’s Iron-Works. 

The high lands in general produce oak, pine, hickory, 
poplar, and some chestnut; the low lands generally 
mulberry, swamp oak, walnut, sycamore, &c, &c. 5500 
acres of land were originally purchased with the works 


306 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


on 1785, but near 10,000 acres have been run and pur- 
chased since. The works lie centrical to the lands, inso- 
much that from 4 to 6 loads of coal may be hauled per 
day; before there will be any occasion to go to an im- 
proper distance for coal, the woods will bear a second 
cutting. 

The farmers are at present willing to give their wood 
gratis where they are clearing, it being to their benefit 
to get it off their land, reserving fencing. The hearths 
contain from 35 to 40 cords, and are generally filled 3 
or 4 times (saw logs and sappling excluded) from an 
acre; horses are usually worked, though oxen would be 
preferable. A cord of wood is of the following dimen- 
sions; 4 feet long, 4 feet 4 inches high, 8 feet broad; 
the wood may be floated to the works, but heretofore 
it has been hauled. Six pounds of iron are usually 
given to the wood cutters for every cord cut, they find- 
ing themselves. The wood is generally coaled by col- 
liers hired by the month; the wages commonly given 
to colliers are 400 lbs. of iron per month to the master 
collier, 250 lbs. to the under colliers, and much less 
to green hands. 

Twenty pounds of iron or castings are usually given 
to a team for carting coal per day, they finding forage 
and driver. The coaling grounds is in general level 
and free from stone and gravel; the hearths are made 
at a small expence. 

There is no store now established to furnish a regular 
supply to the work people; if a store of goods well 
laid in, was established, the hands would be better satis- 
fied to take goods for payment at 125 per cent. advance, 
than they are now with the present mode of payment, 
which is either in bar iron or castings, according to 
their respective branches. 


MANUFACTURING 307 


The distance of the ore from Aera furnace is 13%, 
from Aetna furnace 144 mile; the ore appears to be 
inexhaustible. The ore works easy and well in the 
furnace; the metal is good for hammers, gudgeons, or 
any kind of machinery and hollow ware and will make 
good bariron. Some trial has been made of it in steel, 
and it promises well: nothing is necessary in preparing 
the ore for use but burning. The ore is generally raised 
by monthly wages at 300 lbs. of iron per month, and 
one good miner can keep one furnace in blast. A team 
can draw four loads of ore per day, at the price above 
mentioned for a team. 

The ore consists of large rocks above the surface, the 
depth not yet known; in cavities between the rocks lie 
an oker and feed ore. There will be no occasion to 
sink shafts or drive levels for 50 years to come. 

The Aera furnace is built round, the thickness of 
walls at bottom 1o feet, the height from the bottom of 
the hearth to the tronnel head 35 feet, the cavity 11 feet 
above the boshes, 22 inches diameter at the tronnel 
head. The Aetna furnace is built square, and nearly of 
the dimensions of the Aera; it was built in 1788, and 
lately built put in blast. The inwalls of both furnaces 
are round. 

Formerly the hearth stones were procured 25 miles 
distant from the works; they were of a yellow colour, 
hard quality, and stood the fire well. The longest blast 
ever yet made was 8 months, then blowed out from 
causes not owing to failure of the stones. 

The stones now in use were lately discovered ; within 
one mile of the works there is a large bed of them: these 
are yellow mixed with red, of a coarse grit, resembling 
a coarse grindstone; they dress easy; how long they will 
stand cannot be told, but they promise well. The in- 


308 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


walls are made of the same kind of stone last mentioned. 
No ‘great inconvenience was ever experienced from 
frost; in some very uncommon seasons, it may be neces- 
sary to cut away the ice from the wheels, but there is 
never any need to keep fires near the wheels. 

A small quantity of lime stone is necessary for fluxing 
the ore, but there is an oker and sud ore in the ore 
banks, which is used together with the running cylinder, 
which makes the consumption of lime stone small. ‘The 
distance of the lime Stone from the works is 22 miles; 
there is a prospect of getting lime stone much nearer 
in a short time. 

The demand for hollow ware is so great (and having 
but one forge to supply with pigs) it has been necessary 
to keep the furnace upon a low burthen for that pur- 
pose, whereby 17 or 18 tons per week has been made; 
but, the furnace raised higher, it is supposed by found- 
ers, would make 25 tons per week, and the metal still 
be of a mottle. The greatest part of the iron is made 
into ovens, pots, flat irons, gudgeons, machinery, cranks, 
and at present there appears to be a great demand for 
machinery for rice-mills, grist, wind and saw-mills. 
The large extent of country to be supplied, the distant 
prospect of an other works being built, and the Charles- 
ton market (to which there will be speedily a naviga- 
tion from the works) afford a prospect of a consump- 
tion of all that can be made. The current price per 
pound for flasked ware is 434, open castings 314d 
sterling; all pieces under 20 lbs. are sold by hand. It 
is probable that hands of all professions may be pro- 
cured to carry on the works, and that goods would 
answer them better than cash in payment. The demand 
for bar iron is so great, that it cannot be told how many 
forges would be necessary to supply the country. The 


MANUFACTURING 309 


proprietors have a great number of good seats for forges 
within a convenient distance of the furnaces. One of 
the furnaces takes on an average 20 and the other 25 
half charges in 24 hours, 514 feet deep. The furnaces 
each take 20 bushels of coal to a half charge. The ore 
boxes weigh 55 lbs. and it takes a box of ore to three 
bushels of coal. Three tons of ore produce 2500 lbs. 
of pig metal. Aera furnace is blown by two wooden 
cylinders 514 by 514 feet. Forge bellows ditto. Aetna 
furnace is blown by four wooden cylinders, worked by 
a cast iron cog wheel, wallowers and cranks. 

The heads of water are sufficient to command the 
wheels. The Aera furnace wheels is full breast; Aetna 
furnace wheel low breast. Some of the wheels in the 
forge are overshot, and the hammer wheels high breast. 

Aera furnace wheel is 26 feet high, 4 feet wide. 


vetiiay\)) _ Bou Me aye « 
The forge wheels Porritt 6 “ 
The hammer wheels 11 “ mau ectenic se 


If all the wheels in the forge were overshot, there 
would be water sufficient for forge and furnace all the 
year round, there being a head of water 19 feet; nine 
months in the year, there is water for two forges. 

The present founder has 1250 lbs. of castings per 
month for his wages; he finds himself and pays his 
keeper’s wages. Fillers wages 154 lbs. castings per 
month; boarding is generally 50 lbs. iron per month; 
the price of good beet is 30 lbs iron, pork from 35 lbs. 
to 40 lbs. iron per 100 nett; wheat is 8 lbs. iron per 
bushel, West India rum 2 dollars per gallon, country 
tum from 1% to 1% dollars; wages given to labourers 
is from 100 to 130 lbs. iron per month, they finding 
themselves; 4 lbs. of iron is given per bushel for corn, 
2% ditto for oats; hay never has been bought, there 


310 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


being sufficient meadow land belonging to the works 
to supply them with hay. The business is usually car- 
tied on by teams belonging to the works; but teams 
can be occasionally hired. Wheelwrights are paid 250 
Ibs. of iron per month, also carpenters; blacksmiths, 
175 do., they finding themselves. The forge consists 
of 4 fires, 2 hammers under one roof and close to the 
furnace. The forge is capable, single handed to make 
one and a half ton of bar iron to one fire (if kept in 
good repair) per week. 

The present hammerer is bound to make 2000 Ibs. 
bar iron, out of 2200 lbs. anchonies; he is paid 2% 
dollars per cent. for his over yield, and 150 lbs. iron for 
drawing 2000 lbs. Finers are paid for making 2240 
Ibs. anchonies, 200 Ibs. bar iron. Iron is sold at short 
weight. Iron in the greatest demand is waggon tire, 
mill iron and plough shares. Coal generally used to 
make a ton of iron, is from 4 to soo bushels. It takes 
generally from 26 to 28 hundred weight of pig iron to 
make a ton of bar iron. 

At present the nearest landing is distant 70 miles, viz. 
Camden. The proprietors of the works and 7 others, 
have obtained a charter to open the Catawba to the 
North Carolina line, and a charter from North Caro- 
lina to open the river 80 miles higher in that state. A 
considerable part of the navigation is finished, and ’tis 
expected that boats will come within forty miles of the 
works this summer, as there are boats already built for 
the purpose, which are to carry 30 tons; and in the 
course of another summer, will be brought within 2 
miles of the works. The works are within 2 miles of 
the river, and the creek can be made navigable up to 
the works. It is 6 days work to go and return to and 
from the landing (at Camden) at 20 lbs. of iron per 


MANUFACTURING 311 


day, for carrying 2300 lbs. of iron. The price of bar 
iron is £37, 10s sterling for 2000 lbs. nett iron. 

There are two dams, one at the Aera and the other 
at the Aetna works. The dam at the Aera is a strong 
frame on a flat rock, extending across the creek, the 
bottom plank jointed to the rock, so that it is impossible 
for it to blow; when the water rises it falls over without 
the trouble of drawing gates. It is 150 feet in length, 
and 1o feet high; it overflows to the tail race of Aetna 
furnace, which is two miles by water. The Aetna fur- 
nace dam is on the same construction, and nearly on 
the same kind of foundation, the same length and height 
as Aera. They are both in good order. 

Both of the furnaces are new and in good repair; as 
there are two hammers in the forge, any repairs that 
might be wanting may be done without much loss of 
time. As to the general expence of carrying on the 
works, it has been so blended with building and en- 
larging the works hitherto, that it cannot be so readily 
ascertained. 

No coals have ever been procured from the neigh- 
bors, nor application made for any, consequently the 
price cannot be ascertained. 

April 29, 1795, by information of Mr. Hill, the fore- 
going remarks may be corrected, viz. 

The hearth stones which at that time had not been 
proved, have been since sufficiently tried, and prove 
very good. 

The navigation has not been completed as was then 
expected, but from the forwardness of the Santee Canal, 
and the revival of the company for improving the 
navigation of the Catawba, it is now expected that it 
will be accomplished in a few years. 

Mr. Hill has since contrived a method, by means of 


312 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


a fall of water, of blowing all the fires both of the forges 
and furnaces, so as to render unnecessary the use of 
wheels, cylinders, or any other kind of bellows, which 
method, by experience already had, is found to produce 
a better and more regular blast than any heretofore 
used, and is also not liable to the accidents of freezing, 
or machinery giving way in time of blast, as the others 
are, as well as being very simple, and the expence but 
trifling. . 
Charleston, May 12, 1795. 
(b) Atlanta (Ga.) Daily Intelligencer, April 8, 1859, reprinting 
an article from the Atlanta American, describing the iron works 


of Mark A. Cooper in Cass (now Bartow) County, Ga., on the line 
of the Western and Atlantic Railroad. 


The present accommodations of the Company em- 
brace two Blast Furnaces, one which is just completed, 
a Rolling Mill containing seven Pudding Furnaces; 
two Heating Furnaces, and sets of Rollers for flat, 
round, square, oval, half-oval and half-round iron, of 
all merchantable sizes. In addition to these, are a 
Flouring Mill, and all the necessary buildings for 
owners, officers, men, store-houses, two dams across the 
river, the Railroad before described, and between 
eleven and twelve thousand acres of land rich beyond 
description or conception in iron ore. Thirteen years 
ago, Maj. M. A. Cooper purchased 1500 acres of land 
and invested in this property thirty thousand’ dollars. 
From that time to this, he has been struggling to de- 
velop it and while exhibiting the real value of this 
region, of Georgia, to realize the fruits of his arduous 
and honorable efforts. In 1856, he united with his 
present Co-partners, the Messrs. Hicks, and the Com- 
pany became united as the Etowah Mining and Mfg 
Co. The indomnitable energy and far-reaching sagacity 
of the three, have since been combined in the effort to 


MANUFACTURING 313 


develop this magnificent property. The accumulated 
profits have been worked in until now the Capital stock 
is computed at $200,000 invested in the property al- 
had enumerated and some negro ey 


When once set to work ie blast raimeees is wee going 
night and day the year around unless stopped for re- 
pairs. The Rolling Mills and the Merchant Mills run 
night and day for six days in the week. The annual 
product, after July the next, will be between twelve 
and fifteen tons per day. If 12-tons it will amount to: 


3.600 tons at $80, amounts to $288.000 
The Merchant Mill produces 30.000. 
Barrels of Flour which at$5.50_ —s««yx. 165.000 


Making total . 453-000 
The Blast aac will burn 3000 bushels of charcoal 


per day and the Rolling Mill 500 bushels of bituminous 
coal per day; the former is made at the ground—-the 
latter is bought in Tenn. and cost 20-cts per bushel. 
There are employed at the works about 300 people, at 
an average of $1 per day, amounting to $90,000 a year— 
and the bituminous coal costs $10,000 more. Prior to 
the building of the railroad, the cost of keeping teams, 
to do the transportation was over $1600 per year. The 
freights paid on necessary articles shipped to The 
Etowah Iron Works on the Western and Atlanta road 
amounting alone, to about $30,000, or a sum equal to 
that distributed by the State of Georgia for Educational 
purposes previously to the last Legislature. The pop- 
ulation supported by this establishment is not far from 
one thousand souls. 


314 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


3. TEXTILES-THE DOMESTIC SYSTEM 


(a) Public notice issued by Robert Carter of Nomoni Hall, Northern 
Neck of Virginia, Sept. 2, 1777. MS. of this and the three follow- 
ing documents in the possession of the Virginia Historical Society, 
Carter Papers. 

This series of documents furnishes glimpses of conditions, which when 
taken in combination are very significant. The first tells that Robert 
Carter, a great Potomac planter, was also concerned in manufactur- 
ing, that in 1777 he had a number of free wage-earning operatives 
in his plant, whose services he was anxious to retain. The second 
shows that five years later Carter had begun to use slave opera- 
tives as perhaps a main reliance in the industry. The third tells that 
five years later the same overseer as in 1782 was directing the labor 
of about the same force of spinners and weavers, presumably ne- 
groes, but that the prospective profits from their labor were very 
small. The fourth document throws some light upon the character 
of the artisan class, and indicates the economic depression prevail- 
ing in Virginia in 1793. 

Whereas Artificers, who are House-keepers, are at a 
loss how to rate their own labour, owing to the fluc- 
tuating state of the price of the necessaries of life, Pro- 
visions as well as clothing, and to cure this incon- 
venience for a certain time, as far as in me lies, I herein 
promise to supply the Families, who now live at Aires, 
in Westmoreland County, or other Families that may 
hereafter live there, with the enumerated articles at the 
prices sett after each: provided that the whole thereof 
can be furnished by sales of said articles sold from off 
my Plantations lying in the counties of Westmoreland 
and Richmond. 

Indian meal delivered at Carter’s double mill at 2/6 
p bushel. Second Flour do do at 12/6 per 100. Pork 
in Barrels, weighing about 220 lbs. at £4 pr barrel. 
Gross Beef at 2d prlb. Milk at 3% p Quart. Butter 
at 1od pr lb. Cheese at 1/ pr lb. Brandy at 20/ p 


galon. Whiskey 12/6 p do. 
The above rates to regulate the prices of said articles 


MANUFACTURING 315 


till the 30th day of November A.D. 1778. As witness 
my Hand this 2d day of September A.D. 1777. 
RoBT CARTER 


(b) Contract of Robert Carter with Daniel Sullivan, overseer, for his 
negro clothworkers, Jan. 1, 1782. 


Nominy Hall, January the rst, A.D. 1782. 

Be it remembered that Mr. Daniel Sullivan, weaver 
takes the care & management of six negro weavers— 
namely—George about 19 years old, Ralph, about 18 
years old, Jeremiah, about 17 years old, Dennis, about 
17 years old, Prince, about 13 years old, William, about 
13 years old—four negro winders, namely—Kate, about 
65 years old, Sally, about 16 years old, Ailce, about 15 
years old, Mary, about 14 years old, at the Woolen & 
Linen Factory at Aires, belonging to Robert Carter, 
Esq. of Westm’d County. 

The said Daniel Sullivan to be allowed twelve 
pounds, gold or silver money, or the value thereof in 
country commodities at the former selling prices, also 
twelve Barrels of Corn, four hundred pounds of Pork 
& fifteen pounds of picked Cotton, as a full satisfaction 
for one full year’s work to begin from the first day of 
January 1782, to the 31st day of December following. 
As Witness my hand the year and day above written. 
Test: GEO. GORDON. his 

DANIEL X SULLIVAN 
mark 

(c) Estimates of earnings by Robert Carter’s slave spinners and 

weavers, furnished by Daniel Sullivan, Sept. 15, 1787. 

Rates of spinning and weaving, given in by Dan’l 
Sullivan, 15 Sept. 1787. 

Dear Sir, Concerning this next year’s business in the 
regard of spinning & weaving, I have to the best of my 


316 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


knowledge & understanding sum’d up what the spinnery 
would yearn in the run of this next insuing year also 
I have sum’d up how much the weavers would yearn 
supposing that spinners and weavers was to have the 
Blessing laid upon them that they never was to have a 
Days Sickness throughout the whole year. I am in 
hopes that you will be at the pains to read it. I am yr 
most Humble Servant DANIEL SULLIVAN. 

To mention the price of spinning thread for brown 
rolls, @ %4 lb. Do. for Oznabrigs 1/. Do for bagging 
6d Do for Coarse Dawlaps 1/3 Do for Cotton warp 
for Coarse woolen 2/ per lb. Do coarse woolen for 
Stockings 1/3 Do a finer sort for do 1/6 Do of coarse 
Tow, 4d. Do of finer Tow 6d. Weaving brown Rolls, 
@ 4d. Do Oznabrigs 4d. Do Bagging 4d Do Coarse 
Dowlaps 6d. Do Coarse Woolen & Cotton Warp 4d. 
Do finer woolen Cloth 1s [This stricken out]. Do 
Coarse Cotton 4d. 

17 spinners @ £7.16; £132.12. 4 weavers @ [?];_ 
£110. 

(d) Letter of James Benny, Fredericksburg [?], (Va.), Jan. 18, 1793, to 

Robert Carter. 

Sir, I understand you have stocking frames, and as I 
was brought up in that business, in Ireland, and work 
in this country for several years past, till about four 
years ago till I had the misfortune to have my house 
with a stocking frame & all my goods consumed by fire, 
therefore would be glad to meet with employ from your 
Honor. I have a wife and three children, and has no 
way to maintain them but by keeping of a school which 
I do on your Honor’s land. Hoping that if you cannot 
give me employ on your frames, that your charity will 
enable me to provide for my family by granting liberty 
to me to keep school on your land with four or five 


MANUFACTURING SEF 


acres of ground, and may the Lord of Heaven give you 

and yours that Blessing on the last Day which he will 

then pronounce to them that love him, saying Come 

ye Blessed of my Father inherit the Kingdom prepared 

for you from the beginning, for which I shall be in duty 

bound to pray. JAS. BENNY. 
Please to direct a line or two by the Bearer. 


) ReEcorD oF OPERATIONS IN GEORGE WasHINGTON’S 
WeEavING EsTABLISHMENT FOR THE 
YEAR 1767 


[s, record book among the George Washington papers in the Congressional Library 


WHEN WEIGHT OF WHEN iT 
To whom BRouGHT YE THREAD FINISHED LENGTH YE CLotH 
belonging re | ae ; 
Months | Days Lbs. | Oz. Months | Days || Yds. | Ors. Lbs. 
John Alton January I 6 2 Jany. 2 10 
G. Washington Ditto I 33 8 || Ditto 6 36 
Isaac Gates Ditto . 10 13 8 || Ditto 10 30 x 
James Wren Ditto 30 12 Ditto 17 34 2 31 
G. Washington Ditto 17 47 Ditto 26 50 58 
Danl. McKay Ditto 6 February | 24 10 6 
Gilb. Simpson Ditto ae | eens eit | Somme cose sic oo Ife alk 
G. Washington Ditto 27 35 ae Ditto 26 44 47 
Mary Mobbs February | 28 ) 8 || March 3 6 I 2 
G. Washington Ditto 14 8 Ditto a 5° 27 
Danl. Talbot March 2 20 Ditto 27 22 20 
Jas. Cleveland Ditto 3 ID [owes [fee cee cece [oe 6 cca] ee 
Tsaac Gates Ditto ee | ee een | MO PS mjc ccc tilesccacl a. 
*G. Washington Ditto Do 34 8 || March 56 53 
Ha. Peake Ditto 16 2 14 || April 6 12 2 3 
Dynl. McKay Ditto 23 8 6 || Ditto II 19 3 8 
Jno. Dulan April 3° 8 10 || May 4 23 2 8 
Colo. Bassett Ditto a 3 a Ditto 25 13 3 
Jno. Sheridine Ditto 24 6 12 June 6 17 7 
Dan!. Talbot Ditto 27 8 8 || May II 21 9 
Jas. Cleveland May 2 6 2 || Ditto 25 17 6 
Mrs. Washington Ditto 6 5 4 || July 8 8 2 5 
Ditto Ditto Do 5 12 July 12 9 2 4 
Ditto Ditto Do 9 9 || Ditto 6 24 II 
G. Washington Ditto Do 9 10 || May 15 34 21 
Ditto March 16 25 ee March 21 43 50 
G. Washington May 12 15 8 May 21 53 I 31 
G. Washington = |j.......... 15 15 ze July 8 53 ae 33 
Nylbes Ie Seve! NE hated 18 3 3 June Il 7 2 3 
Mrs.) Jane shaw) Fie ese 20 3 oe Septr 3 13 2 4 
oss iMloxleyss 5) Ny i!zetei tren 21 3 12 || July 18 7 3 4 
Saml. Johnston —_i]......... 22 3 8 || Augt 21 8 3 4 
G. Washington =~=i||......... 29 I 10 June I 8 2 2 
Mr. S. Washington |]......... 30 3 4h cll rater se 4 8 2 3 
Captn. Darrell June 2 3 2 || Augt. 5 8 I 4 
MrivlaiPeake? S|. ce 2 I 4 || Octr. 17 7 ef 2 
Thos. Wren, Junr |/......... 3 3 14 || June 15 i ) 3 
Mire Monroe) 05 ai ianeeeir 12 5 4 || Septr 25 16 3 5 
G. Washington ~=—i/.......... 22 10 5s June 26 15 2 18 
Mr. Abed. Adams _ |}......... a4 4 8 Do 14 2 6 
Miss Wades July I 4 15 || Octr. 31 14 2 4 
Ditfom Mh weet ual ees eee I 4 a Octr. 24 16 2) 5 
Dittoyy acme te pl ecae eae I 6 8 || Decr. 13 16 an 6 
Robt. Dindsay 527-6. 3 7 6 || Augt. 20 13 3 7 
G. Washington” fjss. 5... 17 II 8 July 22 37 3 20° 
ass Cleveland|igaraan|| aeeetee 19 10 9 || Decr. 18 18 2 10 
G. Washington) ieee 21 4 se July 24 6 2 4 
Ge Washinptonyy soa senrset 22 10 Ditto 27 31 3 a 
WimsiSmelareti) )illiee cose 24 4 Novr. 21 7 3 4 
Jno. Hendsworth |/......... 24 4 be July 27 8 ah 4 
G. Washington ~i||......... 28 8 12 || Augt. 5 16 8 
G. Washington August 5 II 8 || Augt. 26 40 3 22 
G. Washington | |i. 2-2: 18 II Shear 8 40 I Zz 
Ga Washington) 99) 22s. 4. 26 14 8 Septr 10 46 29 
San oor ge eee 23 I 10 
jasCleveland)° (rs ||eereer 26 II oR Octr 21 15 II 
Gilbtsimpseny> “IP a. sce. 27 3 8 
G. Washington Septr. 4 20 4 Septr 10 46 42 
Ge Washinpton! >|" e oie aa: 10 15 Sac aea| | oe eee 25 47 26 
G:sWashington) Wil \fae ns 10 37 Shei |Eeey. eayaes 19 49 49 
morph xescotras see teamed: 10 10 3 Octr 2 12 3 10 
Mrs. Washington |j|......... 18 6 sence am | eseeck severe I 14 we 5 
Dittop tah meek, pil aeaexoere ee 18 CMa ewes || ianitateonat 6 8 3 5 
G. Washington Octobr. 6 ZIG all tears lleyayke, ea 17 50 2 38 
Jas Cleveland’) 5)lea se eer 9 I 8 Decr I 8 2 8 
G. Washington Novr. I I .... |! Novr 5 6 3 2 
Ditto ewe tee ellis ee oe 5 I Ca | eee Reenter 20 7 2 I 
ifsehp, laeasG) = | IW eer i 9 Ch ese. Besar te 19 14 2 9 
G. Washington Octr. 16 1G iil? cexscatonal letersi II oe 27 
Ditto Novr 18 2.9) “ti[hic-s acon | te oaeaeree 29 2 47 
Dittowne oats Pt Wilt was. cect 25 23 4 Decr 22 23 
otal sate wae 


a ee A ae oe 


Reena ee a ee I ne ee I A I gO I I a 


PRICE AMOUNTS SHUTE WAN- ; : 
What Kind of Cloth PER YARD TO TED TO FINH, SieeMers iroiney 
Solider. Se |) Gk Tbs eOzs 
Striped Wollen 5 ayy ees 
Woolen plaided 6 mM Si lis Jany. 22d. & 23d. dressd. 
Cotton striped 5 ie | 6 pd. thread a 3/6 pr. Day 7/. 
Linnen ellen |) Be WB, [loa ct c 
Wool-birdeye 6 mee Ne II 
Linnen 4 Byileg pd. 
EO eile elern chow lae eo |e |[ee es [ase +. ||/....-.]...-..|] Cut out — too bad to wea’e. 
Wool-birdeye : 6 I es |e 12 
Cotton-plain ja fecal ee On aia eeer. pd. hindd. with Sickness fm. 
Linnen 6 I Ball oe 13 29th. Jany. till 25th. Feby. 
Cotton-filld. no woo! 4 Thal ez d. 
(co waca edie Soe Oe Ie! | een ene | ee | een | cere tetas Not to be wove. 
(ao oLeb boo > 7COSSCoeSage| | Sec (eae | (este learicie Jeol ||hcaavellosacela||| DUHO-IDI Exo 
Linsay-plaided 6 1 || Oil o 19 SE 
Cotton-striped I 125 | Ooll ve ree 9 c March 16th. 17th. & 18th. ma 
Thread & Cotton-birdeye Il | es KOU ois .... || pd. king Harness for Colo. 
Ms. & Os.-plaided I I & |hwegh pd. Bassetts Cloth 0. 9-0 
Cotton-India Dimity DIG 12, |) 6 whe 8 not chargd. 
Ms. & Os. Cotton I Prat |e 7d I Chargd. 
Cotton-birdeye I I I I ae pd. 
Cotton Ms. & Os. Courtn. ita es einer 10 c Warpd to 15 yds. 
Cotton & Wool ie 8 Ona 
Cotton- Jumpstripe 2 ELON Woe ane tae 
Cotton-birdeye Dye 2 {iets Poe 2 12 : 
Linnen 4 eee |) ae 4 II 6 Warpd to 33 yds. 
Wool-birdeye 6 I 1 | 6 25 seer 
Linnen filled w’ Tow 4 Lif | ats 15 8 Warpd to 51 yds. 
Linnen as 4 7a es 18 bene Warpd to Do. 
Cotton birdeye ml gyi sie 9 | 4 as 5 c Warpd to 7 yds. 
Cotton stripd w’ Silk 2) ol (ala I elle tee I 12 c 
Roman M. I 6 II 6 ae 4 pd 
Cotton Counterpn. I i Whos 8] 9 I Seema 
Do. Janes Twilld 2ealen6 I I 3 I 4 
Do Do Do I 6 12 9 Bae ... || mot chargd. 
Bird eye Cotton 1h as Sains I be c 
Jump stripe 2 6 17 6 12 c 
Cotton-bird eye I 3 9| 9 c 
Cotton striped 10 eh halls oSec c 
Woolen 10 12) 11 8 
Striped Cotton a 8 8 | 6 c 
Ditto Ditto 1 Vee oe |] ee OG c 
Ditto Ditto I 8 I 7 6 c 
Roman M I I || c 
Bird eye Cottn Toler 13 9 pels c 
Linnen 4 Wl 4 19 Wove by Dick = 
Plain Woolen a 4 6) 2 ane c 
Jeans DN 6 16 3 
Linnen he 4 1) || Wove by Dick. 
Birdeye J 3 9 9 pd. 
Ditto Toa Tle pd Sick from ye 25th 
Linnen 4 Gla: Be July to the 3d. of Augt. 
Linnen 4 13 7 II eee Sick from the 6th. of 
Linnen 4 ay |) Il 4 Augt. till the 17th. of Do. 
Linnen 4 18 8 14 4 
Woolen 4 5 c 
Linsay Woolsey 5 19) |). Z 18 Bat 
Linnen AM ao |) 45 8 II 8 
Lirsay Woolsey 6 I 4 9 
Linnen es 4 4 3 pd. 
Cotton I = Laole ate 
Woolen 6 4 4 Pie 
Linsey &c. ss) 4 16 | 10 13 ee 
Huccabac I 3 rot ll Se I 8 c 
Cotton I 6 10 2 I 4 
Cotton & Silk 216 |G) 4 
Woolen 4 4 | 10 ie pd. 2 Turkeys & 7 Chickn. 
Linnen 4 5e. WESCOel ee 
Linsey 5 I O4 G 18 8 
Linnen 4 16 
fri Seed oy | ace lo for the years Work. — 


= 


AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


324 


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oust LY Year g & tt 
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g --£1 61 
= O=20n 1 S 
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MANUFACTURING 


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326 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


(g) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg), Jan. 13, 
1774- 

Surry County (Cabin Point), Dec. 27, 1773. This is 
to inform the Publick, and those Gentlemen in par- 
ticular who were so kind to assist me in my Plan for 
executing my Fulling Mill, that it is now complete, and 
at Work. All persons that are disposed to encourage 
this laudable Undertaking I shall be obliged to for their 
Favours. I advise the Publick, that I have two Looms 
at Work that weave five Quarter Yard wide Cloth, 
as it is much to the Manufacturers Advantage to have 
their Cloth, wove of that Width. My price for Weav- 
ing is one s. a Yard, Filling, Dying, Dressing &c. Is. 
more, for common Cloth, but dearer for live Colours. 
Those Persons that dye their Cloth in Grain have it 
done much cheaper; all mixed Cloths require Nothing 
more than Filling and Dressing, which are done at a 
moderate Price. Some Time ago a Person of the Name 
of Willie set forth a small Pamphlet, which any Per- 
sons that are disposed to have Cloth made would do 
well to, attend to; but as it may not be in the Power of 
every One to get them who may be desirous to have 
Cloth made, I shall observe to those, that it is very 
necessary to have the Wool sorted, taking the fine from 
the course, young Sheeps Wool from old. After this is 
performed, let it be well washed and greased, then 
carded with a Pair of coarse Cards into large Rolls or 
Batts. These Batts are to lie broke all to Pieces by 
Hand, and laid in a Heap. You may break them as 
often as you please; the more your Wool is mixed the 
evener and prettier the Cloth will be when milled. 
After this Operation, it is in Order to be carded into 
Rolls for Spinning, which is to be a moderate Twist 
for the Warp, not too hard. The Filling is to be spun 


MANUFACTURING Bon 


as slack as you well can spin it; so that it bear winding 
itis sufficient. Those who choose to weave it themselves 
should slay it thin, and not weave it too close. The 
opener the Cloth is the more beautiful it will be when 
fulled. All Persons that send their Yarn to me may 
depend on the utmost Punctuality, and that their In- 
structions shall be duly observed. I am the Publick’s 
most obedient Humble Servant, WILLIAM SIMMONS. 

N.B. It is to be observed, that I work for ready 
Money only; and that any Person who wants to be 
‘supplied with Wool may have it of me. 


(h) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazette, Sept. 8, 1774. 

The Subscriber, understanding as many Branches of 
the Weaving Business as any Person in this Colony, 
would be very glad to set up a Manufactory for weav- 
ing Linens, Cottons, Woollens, and Ship Canvass, which 
he will engage shall not be inferiour to any imported 
from Britain. He was employed for three Years by 
Warner Lewis, Esq; of this County, to whom he refers 
any Gentleman for his Character and Abilities in his 
Profession; and will be ready to wait upon any One, 
at any Time or Place. WILLIAM ROBERTS. 


(i) Advertisement from the Virginia Gazetie, Dec. 10, 1767. 

Run away from the subscriber, about the 3d of last 
month, in Prince William county, near Dumfries, a 
Scotch servant man, named Robert Craig, about 5 feet 
5 inches high, by trade a weaver, of a dark complexion, 
wears his own black short hair, and talks the Scotch 
dialect very broad; had on when he went away a drab 
coloured cloth great coat much patched, a jacket made 
out of an old Dutch blanket, and an old felt hat welted 
round the brim with coloured thread, and an old pair 
of osnabrug breeches, and a pair of ribbed yarn hose. 


328 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


Any person taking up the said servant, and conveying 

him to me, shall receive a reward of Three Pounds 

Virginia Currency, besides what the law allows. 
WILLIAM Briccs. 

N.B. The above servant, I am informed, has wrote 
himself a discharge. 

(j) Advertisement from the Tennessee Gazette & Mero District Ad- 

vertiser (Nashville), Oct. 24, 1804. 

BLUE, RED, GREEN, BLACK, AND YELLOW DyInc. I 
will color cotton and linnen thread, a deep blue, at four 
shillings and six pence per pound; and a light blue, at 
two shillings and six pence per pound; and the other 
colors mentioned I will dye upon woolen at 2 shillings 
per pound, and will warrent them to stand equal to any 
ever dyed in America, for I dye with the warm dye. 
I am also ready to accommodate the public with diaper 
carpets, double coverlids, and summer counterpanes; 
weaving at the house of Maj Buchanan, who owns a 
grist mill, on Mill creek, four miles from Nashville, 
on the road leading to Jefferson. Remember, when 
preparing your coverlid thread, if all cotton, to spin it 
ten cuts to the pound, double and twist it; one half 
must be dyed blue, and the other well bleached; and 
if one half is woolen, be sure to spin the cotton one cut 
finer to the pound than the woolen yarn, and no more— 
eighteen pounds will make two coverlids. For summer 
counterpanes, spin your warp as fine as you can, and 
double and twist it well; and whatever size your warp 
is to the pound your filling must be only half as fine, 
and six pounds of each will make two counterpanes— 
Filling to be single. I will take cotton thread, or woolen 
yarn, in payment, if spun as above, and I will give a 
generous price for the same. ‘Those who wish to pur- 
chase coverlids, will be supplied on the most reasonable 


MANUFACTURING 329 


terms—and those who wish to be instructed in the above 
branches of business, will be accommodated by applica- 
tion as above. ADAM MAGUIRE. 


(k) Advertisement from the Kentucky Gazette and General Advertiser 
(Lexington), Sept. 4, 1806. 


WoOoL CARDING MACHINE. By the 2oth instant, the 
subscriber intends having machines in complete opera- 
tion in Lexington for picking, breaking and carding 
sheep’s wool into rolls, all which will be done at 10 
cents per pound, with the addition of 2 cents for mix- 
ing wool of different colours, and 5 cents per pound 
for picking and breaking Hatter’s wool. The burrs 
and sticks must be extracted, and the wool sent in sheets 
with one pound of grease to eight of wool and the rolls 
will be so packed as to carry on horse back 50 miles 
without injury. Country linen, feathers and wool re- 
ceived in payment, if delivered in hand. Wool left 
with Mr. John Lowry, Hatter in Lexington, will be 
attended to by the publick’s humble servant. 

D. S. NorTon. 


(1) Advertisement from the Elkton (Md.) Press, July 19, 1828. 

WooL CARDING. Cloth Manufacturing, Fulling, 
Colouring, &c. The Subscriber respectfully informs 
the Public, that he continues to have wool carded into 
rolls, or manufactured into cloths, cassimeres, or blan- 
kets, at his Mills, seven miles above Elkton, with com- 
petent workmen to attend to the same. For those whom 
it is most convenient, wool will be received at the store 
of Messrs. Wingate and Manly, Elkton,— Benjamin W. 
Harris, Back-Creek,— Alfred C. Nolan, Cecilton,— and 
return to the several places, either in rolls or manufac- 
tured as directed. 

A list of terms and prices will be left at the Store of 


330 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


each of the above named gentlemen, who are authorized 
to settle for the same. 

Persons wishing to Barter or exchange their wool 
for cloth, &c. can be supplied by calling at the Factory, 
where there is a considerable quantity ready prepared. 

From a long continuance in the business, comment 
is deemed unnecessary. WILLIAM GARRETT. 


(m) Advertisement from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), June 
22, 1858. 


WOOL CARDING AND WEAVING. The Milledgeville 
Manufacturing Company would again call the atten- 
tion of the public of their new and improved machin- 
ery, for carding wool and weaving kerseys. Having 
only had it in operation since last fall, it has given un- 
precedented satisfaction in Carding Rolls and Weaving 
Kerseys. | 

Persons, having woven their cloth at home will notice 
the fact that rolls carded by our machinery are superior 
to any heretofore produced. 

To Merchants, We recommend the kerseys of our 
own manufacture, also our well known onsaburg shirt- 
ings, stripes and yarns. Orders for them are respect- 
fully solicited, and should be directed to the Milledge- 
ville Manufacturing Company. E. WEITZFELDER, Pres. 
Milledgeville, April 20, 1858. 

P.S. We pay the highest market price for wool. 


4. TEXTILES-THE FACTORY SYSTEM 


(a) A traveller’s news item from Niles’ Register (Baltimore, Md.), 
June 23, 1838. 


ALABAMA COTTON Factory. The Tuscaloosa Mon- 
itor of the 30th ult. gives the following interesting 
description of this establishment: 

As we were travelling some two weeks ago, through 


MANUFACTURING 331 


rather a sterile and unimproved portion of our state, 
where the county of Bibb borders on that of Tusca- 
loosa, we were all at once surprised with an imposing 
edifice of brick, three stories high, and being, as we 
afterwards learned, ninety feet by forty-four in extent. 
The dashing energies of water power saluted our ears, 
accompanied with the whirling sound of diversified 
machinery. What have we here? was our inquiry. We 
left our seats in the stage, and during the few moments 
which we had to spare, took a view of the works that 
were going forward. In the second story we found the 
carding and roping operations going forward; and in 
the third, a multitude of spindles were employed in the 
finishing work of making cotton yarn. A few hands, 
men, women, and children, seemed to be employed, in 
rather a quiet way, in attending to the machinery, and 
seeing that it performed its business correctly. In an- 
other apartment, the cotton gin is in operation; so that 
the factory is prepared to take the cotton, either after 
it has been picked, or in the seed. In the spinning de- 
partment, there have been in operation, heretofore, 500 
spindles; but they have recently obtained an additional 
supply, and will very soon be working between 700 and 
800. There is a water power sufficient, we are assured, 
to work 10,000. The cotton yarn produced is said to 
be of an excellent quality. A lady of the neighborhood 
affirms that she wove 30 yards of it without breaking a 
thread. The average production per day, with five 
hundred spindles, has been 430 dozen. About twenty 
hands are employed—all white-some males, some 
females—some large, and some small. They are chiefly 
people of the neighborhood, and are said to be pleased 
with their employment. A grist mill and saw mill are 
connected with the works, which are in active and profit- 


KKP AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


able operation. A portion of the machinery is also de- 
voted to wool carding. The place is called Scottsville, in 
honor, we suppose of D. Scott, one of the principal 
proprietors. The works belong to, and are conducted 
by the Tuscaloosa Manufacturing Company. We 
learn, that the prospects of the company as to profit, are 
exceedingly flattering. Their sales are brisk. They 
contemplate adding a weaving factory to the other 
works. ‘Thus has this business been successfully carried 
forward, while very few persons in the state knew that 
any thing of the kind was under way. Indeed we doubt 
whether the information, that such a factory exists, may 
not be news unheard of before, to more than one half 
of the people of Bibb and Tuscaloosa counties. 


(b) Editorial from the Georgia Courier (Augusta), July 24, 1828. 

It has not been long since we announced the departure 
of one of our enterprizing citizens to the North, to make 
the necessary arrangements for commencing manufac- 
tures in Jefferson county, Georgia. We have been just 
informed that Col. Breithaupt, of our sister State, has 
gone North for the same purpose, in order to establish 
a Cotton Factory in Edgefield District, South Carolina. 
Success attend their laudable enterprise. 

Since writing the above we have seen a subscription 
paper for Stock to establish a Factory for Cotton and 
Wool in Richmond county, on which in less than an 
hour upwards of $8000 were subscribed in this city. 


(c) Editorial from the Georgia Courier (Augusta), Oct. 9, 1828. 

Col. Breithaupt, whose public spirit and enterprise 
recommended him as a suitable agent fora Manufactur- 
ing Company about to be established in South Carolina, 
has returned from the North, where he had gone to 
examine the New England Factories, and to obtain the 


4 


MANUFACTURING 333 


requisite machinery. He speaks with enthusiasm of the 
improvement of the Northern States, and the liberality 
of their citizens. Great interest was taken in exhibiting 
their manufacturing establishments and explaining 
everything connected with them. A partner of the old- 
est manufacturer in the Union, was particularly zeal- 
ous in showing him the oldest manufactory and giving 
him advice in relation to the objects of his visit. He re- 
marked to him that the Southern States had every ad- 
vantage over the Northern, in Manufacturing, but that 


the former must buy their experience as the latter had 


done. He advised him not to commence on too large a 
scale, but to confine operations within a moderate com- 
pass, till the workmen become expert, and experience 
should render profit on a large scale certain. In proof 
of the superior manner in which the machinery of the 
Northern Factories is executed, Col. Breithaupt states 
that the agent of an extensive Cotton Factory about to 
be established in Prussia, after visiting England, gave 
the preference to American machinery, and ordered at 
one Factory machinery to the amount of $100,000. The 
workshops where such business is dispatched, are filled 
with orders, many of which cannot be executed under 
eighteen months. Col. Breithaupt could not get what 
he wished made in time at the North, and therefore 
employed, under the recommendation of experienced 
manufacturers, a number of Mechanics, sufficient to 
make the machinery he wanted, and whose arrival in 
South Carolina he is daily expecting. Our fellow citi- 
zen, Mr. Schley, who went North for the same object, 
is, we believe, engaged in making machinery for a cot- 
ton Factory in Jefferson County. 

So far from obstructing the object of Col. Breithaupt, 
our northern fellow citizens were particularly polite 


334 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


and attentive in affording every facility towards its ac- 
complishment, and expressed their surprise that much 
of our capital had not been sooner employed in manu- 
facturing enterprise. 


(d) Advertisement from the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), Sept. 
3, 1834. 

Notice. The Eatonton Manufacturing Company 
have now the pleasure of informing the public, that 
their Cotton and Woollen Manufactory will be ready 
to commence operations in a few days, and will prob- 
ably be in full operation by the 20th of next month, 
(September.) A large supply of Cotton Yarn, from 
No. 3 to No. 20, will be constantly for sale; and, as 
they expect to weave from six to eight hundred yards 
of Cloth per day, they will be able to sell that quantity 
of the various qualities. Their Woollen Manufactory 
will be very complete; and first, in operation, they will 
card wool, or card and spin wool, or card, spin and 
weave Woollen Yarn on Cotton Warp, and make an 
excellent article for Negroes’ winter clothing. They 
very confidently believe that all of their Manufactures 
will be of superior quality, as their machinery, gearing 
and general ability to do good work is of the first order, 
and the Company determined to sell at very reduced 
prices. They wish to sell to, and will make it the in- 
terest of, the merchants of this and the neighboring 
counties to buy of them, or to sell for the Company as 
agents. They wish to purchase, at an early day, a 
quantity of good Wool. They also wish to hire twenty 
to thirty suitable laborers to work in the Factory. White 
women, girls and boys are such as will be wanted, aged 
ten years or upwards. Entire families may find it to 
theif interest to engage in our service. A good house 
of entertainment will be kept near the Factory. 
Eatonton, August 22, 1833. 


MANUFACTURING 335 


(e) Advertisement from the Kentucky Reporter (Lexington), Sept. 12, 
1829. 


NEw STEAM WOOL CARDING FAcToryY. Hart & Curd 
have erected a large and convenient building for Wool 
carding, Spinning and Weaving, opposite the Watch 
House on Water street, where they have in complete 
operation, New Cards, made by one of the first me- 
chanics in the Western Country. Their Carding will 
be done equal if not superior to any in the State. Wool 

will be Spun at a fair price; Colouring and Weaving 
of Carpeting executed on the shortest notice and in the 
best manner. 

The price of Carding common clean Wool, will be 
7 cents per pound; mixed and Merino higher in pro- 
portion to the trouble. 

They will keep constantly on hand and for sale at 
the Factory, Jeans and Linseys, Of every description, 
from the coarsest, such as is used for Negro Clothing, 
to the finest that can be made of the best Merino Wool.— 
Also, Carpeting Of The Best Quality. 

Fine Yarns, white and colored, for Stockings and 
Socks. They will receive in payment for Carding, 
Spinning, Colouring, Weaving, or for any of the above 
articles,’ Wool, Wood, Pork, Lard, Feathers, Bacon— 
in short, they will receive all most any article the 
farmers may have to dispose of. 

The highest price in Cash, will be given for good 
clean Wool. 


(f) News item from the Athenian (Athens, Ga.), Feb. 15, 1828. 

The Richmond Compiler says a factory is to be at- 
tempted in Virginia by a gentleman of Richmond. 
“This factory is to be taken by an English artist who 
has been living in Del. Co., Pa., and is now in Rich- 
mond. Machinery already provided. Will begin with 


336 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


800 or 1000 spindles, and if it succeeds will enlarge 
business with the demand. Expect to go into operation 
in 8 or 9 months.” 
(g) Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), April 15, 1845. Letter 
from a citizen reprinted from the Southern Banner (Athens, Ga.). 


Argument that the building of railroads will injure the local manu- 
facturing. 


Brother Mechanics of Georgia, and Especially of 
our own Village: The Mechanics of all kinds in this 
country are injured by rail roads to some extent. They 
are brought single handed to compete with those large 
manufacturing establishments in the northern States 
and foreign countries, where labor is worth compara- 
tively nothing, brought in opposition by the aid of 
steam and the rail roads as it were in your own village, 
by the transportation of the manufactured articles of 
all kinds, and sold at your own shop doors at reduced 
prices by your own merchants, and bought by your own 
farmers, from whom you expected patronage. Is not 
this one of the main causes why your villages are not 
flourishing, the houses vacant, and in a dilapidated con- 
dition, your academies destitute of teachers, or if teach- 
ers, destitute of pupils? It certainly is one of the main 
causes why Mechanics are reduced to poverty, not being 
able to build up our towns and cities or to educate their 
children so as to make them respectable members of so- 
ciety. Brother mechanics, this is not as it should be— 
then rouse up from your lethargy, go drooped down 
and depressed no longer, come forth in your might and 
power, and at once, as it were, you will be able to correct 
the evil— You should form yourselves into large and 
permanent manufacturing companies. With your skill 
and enterprise you may soon rear up in your midst, 
manufacturing establishments of various kinds to manu- 
facture those very articles that afford a considerable 


MANUFACTURING 337 


item in the commerce of the country, make your towns 
and villages soon become flourishing, affording a great 
market for surplus products, raised by the farmers inour 
own midst—and as all classes will feel the benefit in a 
short time it will be but a little while before your busi- 
ness will be profitable to yourselves and the country in 
which you live. I might be asked to suggest some plan 
to give the above suggestions a permanent and practical 
notice to the community at large. One that I would 
mention is that it should be the business of every me- 
chanic of every branch of business, to apply himself 
closely to his business. Let that be his daily employ- 
ment, instead of, as is too often the case, quitting his 
shop, taking the streets, becoming a street politician, a 
dandy, or a drunkard. Remedy those three evils and 
the work is half accomplished. A MECHANIC. 


5. TEXTILES—CAPITAL AND LABOR 


(a) Lyell, Charles. Second Visit to the United States (New York, 
1849), vol. ii, 236-237. Observations at Columbus, Ga. 


The water-power at the rapids has been recently ap- 
plied to some newly-erected cotton mills, and already 
an anti-free-trade party is beginning to be formed. The 
masters of these factories hope, by excluding colored 
men-—or, in other words, slaves—from all participation 
in the business, to render it a genteel employment for 
white operatives; a measure which places in a strong 
light the inconsistencies entailed upon a community by 
slavery and the antagonism of races, for there are num- 
bers of colored mechanics in all these southern states 
very expert at trades requiring much more skill and 
knowledge than the functions of ordinary work-people 
in factories. Several New Englanders, indeed, who 
have come from the north to South Carolina and 
Georgia, complain to me that they can not push on their 


338 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


children here, as carpenters, cabinet makers, black- 
smiths, and in other such crafts, because the planters 
bring up the most intelligent of their slaves to these 
occupations. The landlord of an inn confessed to me, 
that, being a carrier, he felt himself obliged to have 
various kinds of work done by colored artisans, because 
they were the slaves of planters who employed him in 
his own line. “They interfere,” said he, “with the fair 
competition of white mechanics, by whom I could have 
got the work better done.” 

These northern settlers are compelled to preserve a 
discreet silence about such grievances when in the so- 
ciety of southern slave-owners, but are open and 
eloquent in descanting upon them to a stranger. They 
are struck with the difficulty experienced in raising 
money here, by small shares, for the building of mills. 
“Why,” say they, “should all our cotton make so long 
a journey to the north, to be manufactured there, and 
come back to us at so high a price? It is because all 
spare cash is sunk here in purchasing negroes. In or- 
der to get a week’s work done for you, you must buy a 
negro out and out for life.” 

(b) Georgia Courier (Augusta), June 23, 1828, reprinting an editorial 

from the Savannah (Ga.) Mercury. 

A citizen of this place, who has lately visited the 
falls a few miles above Augusta, and who is perhaps one 
of the best practical mechanics in the Southern States, 
assures us that mills or factories of any description, and 
to almost any extent, could be easily put in operation 
at that place. The estimate of capital for an establish- 
ment sufficiently extensive to manufacture a thousand 
yards of coarse cottons, does not exceed forty thousand 
dollars. 

By the evidence taken before the Committee on Man- 


MANUFACTURING 339 


ufactures, at the last session of Congress, it appears that 
the capital invested in manufactories, at the North, 
where the coarser descriptions of cotton are fabricated, 
yield an interest of ten per cent. and upwards! What 
would the profits be were the raw materials furnished 
them at a deduction of nearly one-third? 

Now, labour of that description required in cotton 
manufacturies, may be obtained as cheap in Georgia 
as in Massachusetts; and the raw material 30 per cent. 
cheaper. 

Individuals are under a mistake when they suppose 
that labour is cheaper in the northern states than with 
us. The work in the manufactories is performed by 
men, women and girls and boys. The men receive the 
average wages of a dollar per day. The girls and 
women from two to four dollars per week, and the 
boys and girls from eight to twelve years of age, 25 
cents per day. This is far above the average price of 
labour in this state. 

How long will the people of Georgia be blind to 
their own interest? Millions of money are now in- 
vested in plantations and hands for growing cotton 
which instead of being a source of profit is a tax on the 
owner; and yet we content ourselves with wriggling 
along in the old way, exhausting our spirits in unavail- 
ing complaints against the Tariff, every day growing 
poorer, when the road to prosperity and wealth lies 
plain and direct before us! 

For the article of cotton bagging alone it is estimated 
that $250,000 are annually drained from the state. 
Now, even were this one item, out of many others, saved, 
what a difference would it not make in the pecuniary 
transactions of the whole communityr And yet who 
can doubt but that this article could be manufactured 


340 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


among ourselves, from cotton, at a saving of one-third 
of what we are now paying for hemp bagging. 

(c) Olmsted, F. L. 4 Journey in the Seaboard Slave States (New York, 

1859), 542-544. Observations in Georgia, 1855. 

The greater part of Georgia is abundantly provided 
with running water, frequently affording excellent 
milling power. The mineral wealth of the state is said, 
by geologists, to be very great, but is, at present, almost 
entirely undeveloped, except in gold, which is some- 
what extensively mined, without much profit. More 
attention has been given to manufacturing—thus far, 
with but indifferent success; but I cannot doubt, that, 
if the same judgment, skill and close scrutiny of details, 
Were given to cotton manufacturing, that is now evi- 
dently applied to the management of rail-roads in 
Georgia, it would be well rewarded. The cost of the 
raw material must be from ten to twenty per cent. less 
than in Massachusetts, yet I saw Lowell cottons, both 
fine and coarse, for sale, almost under the roof of 
Georgia factories. Cotton goods manufactured in 
Georgia are sent to New York for sale, and are there 
sold by New York jobbers to Georgia retailers, who 
re-transport them to the vicinity in which the cotton 
was grown, spun, and wove, to be sold, by the yard or 
piece, to the planter. I saw the goods, with the mill 
marks, and was informed that this was the case, by a 
Georgia merchant. 

Land-rent, water-power, timber, fuel, and raw ma- 
terial for cotton manufacturing, are all much cheaper 
in Georgia than in New England. The only other item 
of importance, in estimating the cost of manufacturing, 
must be the cost of labor, which includes, of course, 
the efficiency of the laborers. By the census it appears 
that the average wages of the female operatives in the 


MANUFACTURING 341 


Georgia cotton factories was, in 1850, $7.39 a month; 
in Massachusetts, $14.57 a month. 

Negroes were worth $180 a year, and found in 
clothes, food and medical attendance, by the hirer, to 
work on railroads, when I was in Georgia. The same 
year, a Georgia planter, being hard pressed, sent to 
New York, for Irish laborers to work on his planta- 
tions—hiring them, probably, at $10 a month, and found 
in ‘food only, losing their own time when ill—a very 
significant fact. New England factory girls have been 
induced to go to Georgia to work in newly-established 
cotton factories, by the offer of high wages, but have 
found their position so unpleasant—owing to the gen- 
eral degradation of the laboring class—as very soon to 
be forced to return. 

A correspondent of the Charleston News, writing 
from Sparta, Georgia, July, 1855, says: 

“A large cotton factory has been in operation here 
about three years, but is now about being closed, and 
to-day will probably terminate its existence. It un- 
pleasantly reminded us of a fate of a similar enterprise 
which so signally failed, after a brief career, in our own 
city. Why is it soP It would seem to be reasonable 
at least that, surrounded with the raw material, unen- 
cumbered with the cost of transportation to Northern 
cities, Southern manufactories should not only compete, 
but successfully maintain a higher position than those 
so far removed from the cotton growing region. But 
so it is, with a few exceptions, our own Graniteville 
being among them. - 


XXII. PUBLIC REGULATION OF INDUSTRY 


AND COMMERCE 


1. ASSIZE OF BREAD 


(a) Notice from the Charleston (S.C.) City Gazette, March 4, 1825. 


Assize of Bread, From Monday the 28 [in]st, to 


Monday the 7th March, inclusive. 


The average price of Superfine Flour being Six Dol- 
lars per barrel, of 196 lbs. nett weight, the Loaves must 


weigh as follows, viz.: 
WHITE BREAD 


7d Loafto Weigh . : aul: ) 
gud . : : : mAbs 8 
24d . : ; : o lb. 1334 
Id ‘ é g ‘ o lb. 63% 


WHEATEN BREAD 


7d Loaf to ess Z lb. OZ: 
3ued , : 1 lb. 10% oz. 
2d . : : : o lb. EGLOZ: 
1d : : o lb. 7% oz. 
HOUSEHOLD BREAD 
7d Loaf to Weigh 3 Ib. 08 0z.. 
gud . : : : ab: P2Noz 
24d . : : 1 Ib. OO OZ. 
Id : : o lb. 08 oz. 


OZ. 
OZ. 
OZ. 
OZ. 


WM. ROACH, Clerk of Council. 


(b) Notice from the Charleston Morning Post and Daily Advertiser, 


Nov. 14, 1786. 


To THE PuBLic. This is to give notice that we, the 
Bakers of this City unanimously shall stop baking after 


344 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


this day the 13th. inst., at which time the late ordinance 
of the City Council is to take place; as we find that we 
cannot in justice to the support of our trade or families, 
comply therewith. Since the City Council have had 
the regulating the assize of bread, instead of granting 
us a redress of grievances complained of in our former 
petitions, they have repealed all former acts, and to 
bake up to the present assize is not in our power, for 
they require a greater quantity of baked bread out of a 
hundred, of flour than it will really make, without al- 
lowing anything for the support of ourselves and fami- 
lies . 

Charleston, Nov. 13, 1786. 


(c) Letter from a citizen to the editor of the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, 
Aug. 27, 1808. 


A word of two on the score of bread may not come 
amiss at this moment, when a few slick bakers in opposi- 
tion to the city ordinance, have declined their business, 
though indulged far beyond the Assize of Charleston 
and Savannah. To be candid it appears these gentle- 
men have had a good chance for a long time back to 
make their fortunes at the expense of the citizens, as we 
now see by their rising into the air so fast with well 
baked bricks. Let them enjoy the fruits of their honest 
industry, but let the citizens take care of themselves. 

The City Council, if they wish to deserve well of the 
community, have it now in their power to establish a 
public baking shop and supply every mouth with good 
and wholesome bread, and of greater weight than they 
have prescribed by their late ordinance. 

_ A case similar to this occurred some time ago in New 
York; the corporation opposed the avaricious and light 
weight making bakers, established public ovens, » 


PUBLIC REGULATION 345 


brought the fancy bakers to cry peccavi and solicit 
licence at last, to bake and sell agreeably to law. 
Council of Augusta, go ye and do the like. 
AVORDUPOISE 


2. CITY MARKET REGULATIONS 

Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, Nov. 25, 1818. 

AN ORDINANCE TO REGULATE THE PUBLIC MARKET IN THE 
CITY OF AUG[USTA] 

SecT. 4. Be it further ordained, that no person 
or persons shall be allowed to contract for, sell, buy or 
otherwise dispose of, outside of the market, any butter, 
eggs, or meats subject to tax, and any person so offend- 
ing on due proof thereof, before the Mayor or any mem- 
ber of Council, shall forfeit and pay a sum double the 
value of the butter or eggs, or double the tax due on 
said meats. 

SECT. 5. And be it further ordained, that no person 
or persons shall be allowed to contract for or buy or 
cause to be bought or contracted for, any quantity of 
provision or other articles usually vended in Market 
hours, in such quantity as to prevent others from having 
an equal share of the same, or as much thereof as the 
clerk of the Market may suppose the several applying 
for the same entitled to according to the supposed num- 
ber of their family; any person so offending shall pay 
a fine not exceeding fifty dollars. 

Sect. 6. And be it further ordained that no person 
shall during market hours, buy, sell, or otherwise con- 
tract for any article of provision or other produce 
usually vended in Market for the purpose of retailing 
or making a profit thereon under the penalty of being 
fined not exceeding fifty dollars. 


346 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


3. REGULATION OF MILL TOLL 


Act of the Georgia General Assembly, Jan. 26, 1786, printed in 
Marbury and Crawford’s Compilation of the Laws of Georgia 
to 1800, 363. 


AN ACT TO REGULATE THE TOLL TO BE TAKEN AT MILLS 

1. Be It Enacted by the Representatives of the free- 
men of the state of Georgia in General Assembly met, 
and by the authority of the same, That all owners or 
occupiers of mills shall well and sufficiently grind, or 
cause to be well and sufficiently ground, all clean and 
dry grain brought to their mills, and in due turn (as 
far as five bushels) as the same may be brought, and 
may take for toll one eighth part thereof and no more. 
And, every owner or occupier of a mill who shall not 
well and sufficiently grind, or cause to be well and suf- 
ficiently ground, as aforesaid, (unless in times of 
drought, or other sufficient cause, of which the justice 
may judge) or not in due turn or take or exact more 
toll, shall for every such offence, on proof thereof, by 
one or more credible witness, forfeit and pay a sum not 
exceeding fifteen shillings, to the party injured, re- 
coverable with costs, before a justice of the peace, of 
the county where such offence shall be committed. 
Provided always, That every owner or occupier of a 
mill, may grind his, or her own grain at any time. 
Augusta, January 26, 1786. 


XXITI. ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 


1. LABOR DEMAND 


(a) News letter from Louisville, Ky., Oct. 31, 1827, from the Spirit of 
Seventy Six (Frankfort), Nov. 15, 1827. 


THE CANAL. This important work at our place is 
still progressing towards its completion as well as could 
reasonably be anticipated from its commencement, al- 
though the undertakers had contemplated that it would 
have been finished at an earlier period. The only diffi- 
culty that had been experienced has been in a want of 
labourers, which are not to be procured in this section 
of the country, even at an advance of wages, full fifty 
per cent above what is given on similar works in other 
parts of the union; the earth excavation is nearly com- 
pleted; much of the rock has also been excavated, and 
the walls of the immense guard lock are now raised up- 
wards of 30 feet high, in solid mason work, which for 
strength and beauty are equal to any other similar 
work; no reason now exists why the canal will not be 
finished within the next year. 

(b) Advertisement from the Charleston (S.C.) City Gazette, March 

I, 1826. 

WEAVERS WANTED. A Few Good Weavers, accus- 
tomed to the Manufacturing of Cotton, Goods—to such 
liberal wages and steady employment will be given on 
producing certificates of character, &c. Apply at No. 
384 King Street. 


(c) Advertisement from the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, June 21, 1811. 
Three or four active young White Men to drive carts 


348 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


will meet with liberal encouragement, from Lupton and 
Doing Undertakers for Paving. 


(d) Advertisement from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, Aug. 1, 1818. 

Wanted to hire, Eight or ten white or black men for 
the purpose of cutting wood. They will be either en- 
gaged by the cord or month; liberal wages will be 
given. Apply to George W. Evans. 


(e) Advertisement from the Winchester (Va.) Gazette, Jan. 30, 1799. 
The subscriber, at his Iron Works, in Botetourt 
County, on Dunlap’s Creek, about 18 miles below the 
Sweet Springs, wants to hire a number of Negroes. He 
will give roo dollars per year for strong Negro Men 
of good character. Laboring free men may find em- 
ployment and good wages with him. 
EDWARD RUMSAY. 


(f) An advertisement in a southern newspaper printed in E. S. Abdy’s 
Journal of a Residence in the United States (London, 1835), vol. 
ll, 109. 

Five Hundred Laborers Wanted. We will employ 
the above number of laborers to work on the Muscle 
Shoals Canal &c. at the rates of fifteen dollars per 
month, for twenty-six working days, or we will employ » 
negroes by the year, or for a less time, as may suit the 
convenience of planters. We will also be responsible 
to slave holders who hire their negroes to us, for any 
injury or damage that may hereafter happen in the 
progress of blasting rock or of caving in of banks. For 
information in regard to the health of the men, the fare 
&c. we would refer &c HENRY and KIBB. 
May 24th, 1833. 

(g) Advertisement from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, March 2, 1811. 

APPRENTICES WANTED. The subscriber carrying on 
the blacksmith’s business in all its branches on Reynold 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 349 


street, near Calffrey and Bustin’s hotel, would willingly 
receive three negro fellows as apprentices. The owners 
may confidently rely that every necessary attention will 
be given to their instruction. Te ERIN: 
(h) Beir ecticenent from the Tennessee Gazette & Mero District 
Advertiser (Nashville), Oct. 24, 1804. 

Wanted Immediately, as an apprentice to the black- 
smith’s business, a smart, active boy, of from 12 to 15 
years of age, who can come well recommended. A 
black boy of this description, will be taken. Wanted 
also, a Journeyman who understands his business, and 
has good recommendations for honesty, industry and 
sobriety—A black man would not be rejected. 

ELLIS Mappox, Nashville. 


(i) Advertisement from the Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, Dec. 6, 1800. 
A town advertises for artisans. 


Wanted, a Taylor and Shoemaker, good workmen; 
men who will be faithful and punctual to their cus- 
tomers; and who will be sober and industrious, may 
make eligible settlements in or near this place, and al- 
ways have employments for their respective trades for 
two or three hands. Carpenters are also much wanted. 

WAYNESBORO. 


(j) News item from Niles’s Register, Aug. 4, 1838 (vol. liv, 353), re- 
printed from the New Orleans Bulletin, describing the dullness of 
the summer season. 


New Orleans, July 22. We may now be said to be 
on our summer establishment. Things have settled 
down into the dullness and monotony of the sickly 
season. Transactions are light and confined principally 
to the retail trade. Indeed business of all kinds is very 
much curtailed. The undertaker, and even the sexton 
has less to do than usual. The most industrious portion 
of the community are the laborers in the employment 


350 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


of the second municipality, who make rapid progress in 
the pavement of our streets, apparently regardless of 
the hot sun that burns upon them from morning to 
night. The fidelity with which this hardy class of citi- 
zens stick to their work, during all seasons is admir- 
able, and might be held up as an example to many of 
higher pretensions, who reap during harvest time, but 
when pain, sickness and death stalk over the field, are 
found among the missing. We have noticed also that a 
great deal of activity prevails among the mechanics. A 
great number of houses is going up in different parts 
of the city, which keeps a multitude of carpenters, 
bricklayers, &c. &c. employed. On the levee of course, 
a manifest change has taken place. The hum of busi- 
ness is silenced. The squadron of drays that formerly 
dashed along so furiously, has dwindled down to a few 
teams. The steam boat wharves are nearly empty. A 
few black chimneys rise solitary from the water’s edge, 
furlongs apart, where a month ago, they stood close 
and thick as the brick chimnies along our streets. The 
quantity of shipping is also rapidly diminishing, and 
many days will not elapse, ere our fleet of steam 
and canvass will be reduced to some dozen or twenty 
vessels, scattered along the margin of the stream for a 
distance of several miles. 


2. ARTISANS’ ESTABLISHMENTS 


(a) William and Mary College Quarterly, vol. xii, 157, reprinting an 
advertisement from the Virginia Gazette, Aug. 8, 1751. 


David and William Geddy, Smiths in Williamsburg, 
near the Church, having all Manner of Utensils re- 
quisite, carry on the Gun Smith’s, Cutler’s, and Foun- 
der’s Trade, at whose Shop may be had the following 
work, viz.: Gun Work, such as Guns and Pistols’ 
Stocks, plain or neatly varnish’d, Locks and Mount- 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 351 


ings, Barrels blued, bored, and rifled; Founder’s Work, 
and Harness Buckles, Coach Knobs, Hinges, Squares, 
Nails and Bullions, curious Brass Fenders and Fire 
Dogs, House Bells of all Sizes, Dials calculated to any 
Latitude; Cutler’s Work, as Razors, Lancets, Shears, 
and Surgeon’s Instruments ground, cleaned and glazed 
as well as when first made, Sword Blades polished, 
blued and gilt in the Neatest Manner, Scabbards for 
Swords, Needles and Sights for Surveyors Compasses, 
Rupture Bands of different Sorts, particularly a Sort 
which gives admirable Ease in all kinds of Ruptures. 
Likewise at the said Sop Shop may be had a Vermifuge, 
Price 3s, 6d per Bottle, which safely and effectually 
destroys all kinds of Worms in Horses, the most in- 
veterate Pole-evils and Fistulas cured, and all diseases 
incident to Horses, at their said Shop. 


(b) Advertisement from the Charleston (S.C.) Evening Gazette, Aug. 
I, 1785. 

Thomas Lamb (No. 67) Queen Street, Millwright, 
Engineer and Joiner, Begs leave to inform the Public, 
that he is lately arrived in this city from Newcastle 
upon Tyne, England, where he carried on the above 
branches for the space of twenty-three years, to the 
satisfaction of his employers; and he flatters himself 
that by a long and thorough knowledge of his business, 
he will give ample proofs of his abilities to any gentle- 
men that may please to employ him. He likewise pur- 
poses carrying on the House Carpenter’s branch, as he 
has been employed in that line since his arrival in this 
place, by Messrs. Winthrop, Todd & Co., for whom he 
has erected a crane that will lift goods of the weight of 
two tons, by only one man. 

He will also undertake to erect water corn mills to 
grind flour or any other grain; also boulting mills for 


352 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


boulting the flour of all its different sorts in the best 
manner, as they have done it in London either by wind 
or water. 

Also barley mills for making French barley for the 
pot. 

Mustard mills either by water or horse. 

Tobacco mills to cut any different cut, as they have 
in London. 

Snuff mills of different sorts, to be drove by water or 
horse. 

Iron Forge mills for plating of iron with bars. 

Slitting mills for slitting rod-iron, likewise for roll- 
ing iron hoops for casks. 

Tilt mills for drawing of steel, and plating of spades 
and shovels. 

He will also undertake to erect mills for boring of 
cannon out of the solid, from 1 pounder to 36 pounder, 
or rimming old cannon and making them as new. 

Calendar Bellows, for the main blast. 

A small tupelo to melt small quantities of metal, 
drove by horse or from the main blast. 

Mills for grinding paints of all sorts, from the first 
original both in water and in oil, till fit for the brush. 

Mills for grinding Indian Corn, in a different man- 
ner than any in this state, one of which is at present 
standing in my house, which is bespoke. Any gentle- 
man may see it through the course of this week. 

Will also undertake to erect a crane to lift by one 
man’s hand two tons from a vessel, and lay it on a wharf 
at ease. Likewise erect a spile engine, to drive spiles 
at the wharves, as they have in London. 

Also saw mills, with a number of saws, either by 
water, wind or horse. 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 353 


(c) Advertisement from the Gazette of the State of South Carolina 
(Charleston), March 7, 1785. 


WILLIAM INGLEsBY, Taylor from London, takes this 
method of returning thanks to the Public in general, 
and his friends in particular, for the kind encourage- 
ment he has received from them since his arrival; at 
the same time takes the liberty of informing them, that 
in a few days he is going to remove to No. 3 Tradd 
street, and hopes by his attention, assiduity, and a proper 
execution of their orders, to merit a continuance of that 
favor that has been so liberally bestowed—And would 
likewise acquaint those Gentlemen whose orders he has 
been under the disagreeable necessity of declining, from 
not being able to perform them in time, that he has got 
an addition of several excellent workmen, to those he 
before had, which will enable him to fulfil his engage- 
ments with exactness and punctuality—and as his ex- 
perience in his profession has been acquired in the most 
fashionable line in London, as well as having followed 
it some considerable time in Paris, doubts not, but that 
those who indulge him with their orders, will find them 
executed with that elegance and taste, that every one 
who loves genteel and becoming dress wishes. As he 
rather prefers working for ready money, will make a 
handsome allowance to those who favour him with their 
commands. 

(d) Advertisement from the Savannah (Ga.) Republican, Jan. 17, 

1804. 

James Prescott, Painter and Glazier, thanks his pa- 
trons for past patronage and says he has now engaged a 
number of accomplished workmen in the various 
branches of the profession. When desired one or two 
hands can be furnished for work in the country. 


35 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


3. PLEAS FOR THE SUPPORT OF LOCAL MECHANICS 

(a) Letter signed “Charleston” from the Charleston (S.C.) City 

Gazette, March 4, 1828. 

It is to us a matter of astonishment, that such an 
apathy should pervade in our community against the 
encouragement of mechanics generally. Persons fre- 
quently send to the North for what they could get 
cheaper at home, and better. Were they for a moment 
to reflect, they would find that by supporting our own 
mechanics, they would keep at home that money which 
on the other hand, “enriches our neighbors, but makes 
us poor indeed.” Let those who are in the habit of 
doing this reflect for a moment, and we are persuaded 
our remarks will not be thrown away. 


(b) Editorial from the Atlanta (Ga.) Daily Intelligencer, Oct. 8, 1858. 

Our MECHANIcs. Atlanta probably more than any 
other city of our State, is dependant upon her mechanic- 
al population for everything that constitutes wealth and 
power. Whilst other towns and villages with only a 
few mechanics, could not flourish without them, our 
city has for its chief basis, this class of worthy and useful 
citizens. Nothing is so indicative of prosperity in a 
town than the fact that there is employment sufficient 
to support her mechanics. ‘Take away those in our 
midst who compose this useful class of our population, 
and our city would soon dwindle into insignificance and 
decay. We should lose the very bone and sinew, the 
main source of our power and strength. It is impos- 
sible to appreciate too highly, then, the importance to 
any community of this element. Wealth is created by 
their handwork, and hundreds and probably thousands 
supported alone by the means growing out of the arts 
which they practice. The influence in this point of 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 355 


view, which the foundries, workshops and Rolling 
Mills of Atlanta have upon the advancement of the 
City of Atlanta, can’t yet be estimated. The future 
alone will develop it, when our city shall be filled up 
with a population of twenty, thirty or forty thousand 
in number. Then will the conviction force itself irre- 
sistably on every mind, that to the mechanics arts will 
our growth be chiefly indebted. 

Let our citizens feel the truth of this statement now, 
and act as they should in relationship to the mechanics 
of Atlanta. Let them foster, encourage and support 
those worthy members of our community who are en- 
gaged in these avocations. Heretofore, there has been 
a habit among many of our people of sending off to 
some other place, to some Northern town, or to some 
smaller other Southern town for articles which they 
could easily obtain at home. We know this to be the 
fact of several merchants in Atlanta, as well as others. 
Such a policy, let us tell them, is not only directly op- 
posed to the interests of the City, but to their own 
interests, and the man who upon reflection will not 
abandon such a course, doesn’t deserve to receive the 
patronage of his fellow-citizens. If you will build up 
a substantial community, you will gradually increase 
in wealth and thus be better able to indulge in all com- 
forts and luxuries, support and sustain your domestic 
manufacturers and mechanics. Whatever you can buy 
from your neighbor in your own town, don’t send off 
somewhere else for it because you can obtain it a frac- 
tion cheaper. What will be gained in that way, will be 
lost ten fold in the long run. The merchant who doesn’t 
sustain the home mechanic should not receive in turn 
for his goods the hard earned money of the mechanical 
population. 


356 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


We can boast of as an intelligent and as excellent 
mechanics in Atlanta as can be produced in any other 
City elsewhere. We might mention names that occur 
to us as we write, but it might be invidious to single 
out a few from the greatnumber. The fact is incapable 
of contradiction. Such men ought only to be supported. 

There are other things we might say in reference to 
our mechanical population, their wants and what should 
be done to supply them, but shall preserve them for 
another article. We have simply thrown out those 
practical home truths that our readers may weigh them 
as they deserve. 


4. ASSOCIATION OF WHITE AND NEGRO LABOR 


(a) A letter to the editor of the Federal Union (Milledgeville, Ga.), 
March 18, 1836. 


Crawford County, March rsth, 1836. 

Dear Sir— From what we see going on here, there 
are others besides me, who think the Flint River nay- 
igable for Steam-Boats. Scarcely had the small ap- 
propriation of ten thousand dollars passed into a law, 
before that enterprizing citizen of Macon, Mr. Butts, 
applied to me for a yard and timber, to build at my 
Ferry. I consented, his hands began in part to arrive 
at the spot at christmas. He has now there ten or fif- 
teen white men, mechanics, and some twenty or more 
negroes, working well. As a proof, on Saturday they 
launched a fine boat built for this river, capable to carry 
two tow-boats. The scene to us was novel and sublime. . 
He has another Steam-Boat framed and preparing 
to receive the plank, and to all appearance, timber suffi- 
cient to build three or four tow-boats. This has all been 
done since the first of January, under the immediate 
direction of Captain Fish, who seems to conduct the 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 357 


business as becomes a master-workman. Besides this, 
they have built a small town, as cabbins to live in, 
shops, etc. and small craft, such as flats to convey timber 
up and down the river. 

The Steam-Boat now on the stocks is intended for 
the Chattahoochee river, and also a tow-boat well cal- 
culated to pass the shoals in low water. Respectfully, 

H. CROWELL. 

N.B. The Engines and Boilers are on the spot, and 
the engineers putting them up: the boat will be ready 
to run in four weeks. 

(b) Buckingham, J. S. Slave States of America (London [1842 ]), vol. 

ii, 112, discussing labor in the cotton mills at Athens, Ga., in 1839. 

There is no difficulty among them on ac- 
count of colour, the white girls working in the same 
room and at the same loom with the black girls; and 
boys of each color, as well as men and women, 
working together without apparent repugnance or ob- 
jection. . . The negroes here are found to be quite 
as easily taught to perform all the required duties of 
spinners and weavers as the whites, and are just as tract- 
able when taught; but their labour is dearer than that 
of the whites, for whilst the free boys and girls em- 
ployed receive about 7.00 dollars per month, out of 
which they find themselves, the slaves are paid the same 
wages (which is handed over to their owners) and the 
mill-owner has to feed them all in addition; so that the 
free labor is cheaper to him than the slave; and the hope 
expressed by the proprietor to me was, that the progres- 
sive increase of white population by immigration, 
would enable him to employ wholly their free labor, 
which, to him would be more advantageous. 


358 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


(c) Georgia’ Courier (Augusta), April 24, 1828. Slave operatives in 
a cotton mill. 


MANUFACTURES IN THE SOUTH. The capacity of 
the Southern States for manufacturing their great sta- 
ple, is no longer a matter of speculation. Practical 
experiment has demonstrated, not only their capacity 
to manufacture, but to manufacture their own staple 
at a cheaper rate than any part of the Union! Last 
February a year, I accompanied a most intelligent plan- 
ter from Pittsburgh to Nashville, a Mr. Nightingale, 
formerly of R. Island. He was then taking with him 
a “foreman” from Providence, Rhode Island, to super- 
intend his cotton factory.—The factory is located in 
Maury county, Tennessee. The machinery is propelled 
by a never failing, and never freezing stream. The 
entire labour is performed by slaves. Mr. Nightingale 
now supplies a large portion of Tennessee and North 
Alabama with coarse cotton cloths. 


(d) Editorial from the Southern Banner (Athens, Ga.), March 3, 1859. 

CHEAP LABOR. One of the arguments, or to speak 
more properly, one of the assertions used in favor of 
opening the African Slave trade is, says the Corner 
Stone,’ that it would give us cheap labor. If there were 
no other reason for opposition to it we should oppose 
it on that ground. We are opposed to cheap labor. 
We want to see labor high. In other words we want 
to see labor commanding a fair proportion of its prod- 
ucts. No country can be really prosperous and happy 
where it is otherwise. There may be a few bloated 
capitalists who may absorb the products of labor, but 
the masses must be poor and wretched. In every coun- 
try the honest faithful laborer ought to be able to supply 
himself and family by his labor, not only with the neces- 
saries, but the comforts of life. This cannot be unless 
Tas newspaper published in Columbus, Ga. — Ep. 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 359 


labor is as compared with other things relatively high. 
In other words, labor ought to be the chief ingredient 
in the price of every production. 

Why was it that a few years ago Ireland was in such 
a wretched condition, her people deserting the country 
by hundreds of thousands, and those that remained 
starving? Because labor was cheap. Why is it that 
immigration has ceased and the people who are there 
more prosperous, and food to eat and clothes to wear? 
Because labor has risen in value. 

Cheap labor is a curse: to any country. We wish it 
was twice as high in this country as it is. 

(e) Advertisement in the Moniteur de la Louisiane (New Orleans), 


Oct. 9, 1809, by a white blacksmith seeking plantation employment 
for himself and a slave blacksmith owned by him. 


Aux Habitans. Un Ouvrier blanc, forgeron de son 
métier, lequel posséde un Négre esclave, également for- 
geron (& n’a pas d’autre suite) demande de l’emploi 
sur une habitation qui aurait une forge montée, ou dont 
le proprietaire voudrait en monter une. S’addresser en 
ville a Mr. A. BONAMY. 
6 Octobre. 

[ Translation of the above. | 

To Planters. A white workman, blacksmith by trade, 
who owns a negro slave also a blacksmith (and has no 
other dependents) wants employment upon a plantation 
where a smithy is already established or whose owner 
wishes to establish one. Address in the city [New 
Orleans]. Mr. A. BONAMY. 
October 6. 


(f£) News item from the Louisiana Gazette (New Orleans), March 
9, 1819. 


Fifty-seven brick makers, layers, and carpenters, 
originally from New England, have arrived at Baton 
Rouge, under the charge of Mr. Joel Hill, for the 


360 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


works about to be constructed at the above named place; 
all of whom we understand have been employed by 
Capt. R. D. Richardson of the Ordnance. 


5. JEALOUSY OF WHITE ARTISANS TOWARD NEGRO 
COMPETITION 


(a) An open letter from a citizen printed in the Southern Banner 
(Athens, Ga.), Jan. 13, 1838. 


TO THE CONTRACTORS FOR MASON’S AND CARPENTER’S WORK 
ATHENS 


Gentlemen: I desire your candid consideration of 
the views I shall here express. I ask no reply to them 
except at your own volition. I am aware that most of 
you have too strong antipathy to encourage the masonry 
and carpentry trades of your poor white brothers, that 
your predilections for giving employment in your line 
of business to ebony workers have either so cheapened 
the white man’s labor, or expatriated hence with but a 
few solitary exceptions, all the white masons and car- 
penters of this town. 

The white man is the only real, legal, moral and civil 
proprietor of this country and state. The right of his 
proprietorship reaches from the date of the studies of 
those white men, Copernicus and Gallileo, who indi- 
cated from the seclusion of their closets the sphericity 
of the earth: which sphericity hinted to another white 
man, Columbus, the possibility by a westerly course of 
sailing, of finding land. Hence by white man alone 
was this continent discovered; by the prowess of white 
men alone (though not always properly or humanely 
exercised), were the fierce and active Indians driven 
occidentally: and if swarms and hordes of infuriated 
red men pour down now from the Northwest, like the 
wintry blast thereof, the white men alone, aye, those to 
whom you decline to give money for bread and clothes, 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 361 


for their famishing families, in the logic matter of with- 
holding work from them, or employing negroes, in the 
sequel, to cheapen their wages to a rate that amounts 
to a moral and physical impossibility for them either 
to live here and support their families—would bare their 
breasts to the keen and whizzing shafts of the savage 
crusaders—defending negroes too in the bargain, for if 
left to themselves without our aid, the Indians would 
or can sweep the negroes hence, “as dew drops are 
shaken from the lion’s mane.” 

The right, then, gentlemen, you will no doubt can- 
didly admit, of the white man to employment in prefer- 
ence to negroes, who must defer to us since they live 
well enough on plantations, cannot be considered im- 
peachable by contractors. It is a right more virtual and 
indisputable than that of agrarianism. As masters of 
the polls in a majority, carrying all before them, I am 
surprised the poor do not elect faithful members to the 
Legislature, who will make it penal to prefer negro 
mechanic labor to white men’s. But of the premises as 
I have now laid them down, you will candidly judge 
for yourselves, and draw a conclusion with me, that 
white bricklayers and house joiners must henceforward 
have ample work and remuneration; and yourselves 
and other contractors will set the example, and pursue 
it for the future without deviation. Your respectfully 

J. J. FLOURNOY. 


(b) Lyell, Charles. A Second Visit to the United States (New York, 
1849), vol. ii, 78-82. 


‘ To inquire into the condition of the negroes, 
and the evils arising out of the relation of master and 
slave, was not the object of my visit; but when I after- 
ward related to an abolitionist in Massachusetts, how 
little actual suffering had obtruded itself on my notice, 


362 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


he told me that great pains must have been taken by 
the planters to conceal from me the true state of things, 
while they had taken care to propitiate me by hospita- 
ble attentions. I was glad, however, to find my experi- 
ence borne out by that of a Scotch weaver, William 
Thomson, of Stonehaven, who traveled in the years 
1841-2 for his health in the southern states. He support- 
ed himself as he went along by manual labor, and lived 
on intimate terms with persons of a different class of so- 
ciety from those with whom I had most intercourse. 
On his return home he published a small book, in which 
he says, “It will appear, to those who knew my opinions 
on slavery before I visited America, that, like most 
others who can judge dispassionately, I have changed 
my opinion considerably.” He gives a detailed account 
of his adventures in the regions which I traversed in 
Alabama, Georgia, and many other states, and con- 
cludes by observing, “After witnessing negro slavery in 
mostly all the slaveholding states, having lived for 
weeks in cotton plantations, observing closely the actual 
condition of the negroes, I can assert, without fear of 
contradiction from any man who has any knowledge 
of the subject, that I have never witnessed one-fifth of 
the real suffering that I have seen in manufacturing 
establishments in Great Britain.” In reference to an- 
other topic, he affirms “that the members of the same 
family of negroes are not so much scattered as are those 
of working men in Scotland, whose necessities compel 
them to separate at an age when the American slave is 
running about gathering health and strength.”* 

I am aware that there is some danger, when one hears 
the philanthropist declaiming in terms of gross exag- 
geration on the horrors of slavery and the crimes of the 


8 Tradesman’s Travels in the United States, etc., in the years 1840-42, p. 182. 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 363 


planters, of being tempted by a spirit of contradiction, 
or rather by a love of justice, to counteract misrepre- 
sentation, by taking too favorable a view of the condi- 
tion and prospects of the negroes. But there is another 
reason, also, which causes the traveler in the south to 
moderate his enthusiasm for emancipation. He is forced 
continually to think of the responsibility which would 
be incurred, if several millions of human beings were 
hastily set aside, like so many machines, by withdraw- 
ing from them suddenly the protection afforded by their 
present monopoly of labor. In the opening of the mar- 
ket freely to white competitors, before the race is more 
improved, consists their danger. 

Yet, on taking a near view of the slave question, we 
are often thrown into opposite states of mind and feel- 
ing, according as the interests of the white or negro race 
happen, for the moment, to claim our sympathy. 

Were it not for impediments which white competi- 
tion and political ascendency threaten to throw in the 
way of negro progress, the grand experiment might be 
fairly tried, of civilizing several millions of blacks, not 
by philanthropists, but by a steadier and surer agency— 
the involuntary efforts of several millions of whites. In 
spite of prejudice and fear, and in defiance of stringent 
laws enacted against education, three millions of a more 
enlightened and progressive race are brought into con- 
tact with an equal number of laborers lately in a savage 
state, and taken from a continent where the natives have 
proved themselves, for many thousand years, to be sin- 
gularly unprogressive. Already their task-masters have 
taught them to speak, with more or less accuracy, one 
of the noblest of languages, to shake off many old super- 
stitions, to acquire higher ideas of morality, and habits 
of neatness and cleanliness, and have converted thou- 


364 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


sands of them to Christianity. Many they have eman- 
cipated, and the rest are gradually approaching to the 
condition of the ancient serfs of Europe half a century 
or more before their bondage died out. 

All this has been done at an enormous sacrifice of 
time and money; an expense, indeed, which all the 
governments of Europe and all the Christian mission- 
aries, whether Romanist or Protestant, could never 
have effected in five centuries. Even in the few states 
which I have already visited since I crossed the Po- 
tomac, several hundred thousand whites of all ages, 
among whom the children are playing by no means the 
least effective part, are devoting themselves with greater 
or less activity to these involuntary educational exer- 
tions. 

It had previously been imagined that an impassable 
gulf separated the two races; but now it is proved that 
more than half that space can, in a few generations, 
be successfully passed over, and the humble negro of 
the coast of Guinea has shown himself to be one of the 
most imitative and improvable of human beings. Yet 
the experiment may still be defeated, not so much by 
the fanaticism of abolitionists, or the prejudices of those 
slave-owners who are called perpetualists, who main- 
tain that slavery should be permanent, and that it is a 
blessing in itself to the negro, but by the jealousy of an 
unscrupulous democracy invested with political power. 
Of the imminent nature of this peril, I was never fully 
aware, until I was startled by the publication of an act 
passed by the Legislature of Georgia during my visit 
to that state, December 27th, 1845. The following is 
the preamble and one of the clauses: 

“An act to prohibit colored mechanics and masons, 
being slaves, or free persons of color, being mechanics 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 365 


or masons, from making contracts for the erection of 
buildings, or for the repair of buildings, and declaring 
the white person or persons directly or indirectly con- 
tracting with or employing them, as well as the master, 
employer, manager, or agent for said slave, or guardian 
for said free person of color, authorizing or permitting 
the same, guilty of a misdemeanor,” and prescribing 
punishment for the violation of this act. 

“SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House 
of Representatives of the State of Georgia in General 
Assembly met, and it is hereby enacted by the authority 
of the same, That from and after the 1st day of Feb- 
ruary next, each and every white person who shall here- 
after contract or bargain with any slave, mechanic, or 
mason, or free person of color, being a mechanic or 
mason, shall be liable to be indicted for a misdemeanor; 
and, on conviction, to be fined, at the discretion of the 
Court, not exceeding two hundred dollars.” 

Then follows another clause imposing the like penal- 
ties on the owners of slaves, or guardians of free per- 
sons of color, who authorize the contracts prohibited 
by this statute. 

I may first observe, in regard to this disgraceful law, 
which was only carried by a small majority in the 
Georgian Legislature, that it proves that not a few of 
the negro race have got on so well in the world in repu- 
tation and fortune, and in skill in certain arts, that it 
was worth while to legislate against them in order to 
keep them down, and prevent them from entering into 
successful rivalry with the whites. It confirms, there- 
fore, most fully the impression which all I saw in 
Georgia had left on my mind, that the blacks are stead- 
ily rising in social importance in spite of slavery or, to 
speak more correctly, by aid of that institution, assum- 


366 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


ing, as it does, in proportion as the whites become civ- 
ilized, a more and more mitigated form. In the next 
place I shall endeavor to explain to the English reader 
the real meaning of so extraordinary a decree. Mr. 
R. H. Wilde, formerly senator for Georgia, told me 
that he once knew a colored freeman who had been 
brought up as a saddler, and was a good workman. To 
his surprise he found him one day at Saratoga, in the 
State of New York, acting as servant at an hotel. 

“Could you not get higher wages,” he inquired, “as 
a saddlerr” “Yes,” answered he; “but no sooner was 
I engaged by a ‘boss,’ than all the other workmen 
quitted.” ‘They did so, not because he was a slave, for 
he had long been emancipated, but because he was a 
negro. It is evident, therefore, that it requires in 
Georgia the force of a positive statute to deprive the 
negro, whether he be a freeman or slave, of those ad- 
vantages from which, in a free state like New York, he 
is excluded, without any legislative interference. 

I have heard apologists in the north endeavoring to 
account for the degraded position which the negroes 
hold, socially and politically, in the free states, by say- 
ing they belong to a race which is kept in a state of 
slavery in the south. But, if they really desired to ac- 
celerate emancipation, they would begin by setting an 
example to the southern states, and treating the black 
race with more respect and more on a footing of equal- 
ity. I once heard some Irish workmen complain in 
New York, “that the niggers shut them out from all 
the easiest ways of getting a livelihood;” and many 
white mechanics, who had emigrated from the north to 
the slave states, declared to me that every opening in 
their trades was closed to them, because black artisans 
were employed by their owners in preference. Hence, 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 367 


they are now using in Georgia the power given to them 
by an exclusive franchise, to pass disabling statutes 
against the blacks, to prevent them from engaging in 
certain kinds of work. In several states, Virginia among 
others, I heard of strikes, where the white workmen 
bound themselves not to return to their employment 
until the master had discharged all his colored people. 
Such combinations will, no doubt, forward the sub- 
stitution of white for negro labor, and may hasten the 
era of general emancipation. But if this measure be 
prematurely adopted, the negroes are a doomed race, 
and already their situation is most critical. I found a 
deep conviction prevailing in the minds of experienced 
slave-owners, of the injury which threatened them; 
and, more than once, in Kentucky and elsewhere, in 
answer to my suggestions, that the time for introducing 
free labor had come, they said, “I think so; we must 
get rid of the negroes. nn 
(c) Petition signed by about two hundred mechanics and laborers of 


Atlanta, Ga., presented to the city council, March 5, 1858, printed 
in T. H. Martin’s Atlanta and her Builders (s.1., 1902), vol. i, 139. 


We, the undersigned, would respectfully represent to 
your honorable body that there exists in the city of 
Atlanta a number of men who, in the opinion of your 
memorialists are of no benefit to the city. We refer to 
negro mechanics whose masters reside in other places, 
and who pay nothing toward the support of the city 
government, and whose negro mechanics can afford to 
underbid the regular resident citizen mechanics of your 
city to their great injury, and without benefit to the city 
in any way. We most respectfully request your honor- 
able body to take the matter in hand, and by your action 
in the premises afford such protection to the resident 
mechanics of your city as your honorable body may 


368 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


deem meet in the premises, and in duty bound your 
petitioners will ever pray. 
(d) Extract from a petition of sundry citizens of Atlanta, Ga., pre- 


sented to the city council, presumably in 1859, printed in T. H. 
Martin’s Atlanta and her Builders, vol. i, 145. 


We feel aggrieved, as Southern citizens, that your 
honorable body tolerates a negro dentist (Roderick 
Badger) in our midst, and in justice to ourselves and 
the community, it ought to be abated. We the residents 
of Atlanta appeal to you for justice. 

(e) Extract from an ordinance adopted by the city council of Atlanta, 


Ga., in 1859, printed in T. H. Martin’s Atlanta and her Builders, 
vol. i, 145. 


All free persons of color coming within the limits of 
Atlanta to live shall, within ten days of their arrival, 
pay to the clerk of the council $200, and in case of fail- 
ure to do so, shall be arrested by the marshal or other 
police officer, who shall put him or her in the guard 
house for the term of five days, during which time the 
marshal shall advertise in at least one public city ga- 
zette that such person will be hired out at public outcry 
at the city hall, to the person who will take such free 
person of color for the shortest time for said sum. 


6. MECHANICS’ ASSOCIATIONS 


(a) Act of the Georgia General Assembly, approved Dec. 16, 1793, 
from H. Marbury and W. H. Crawford’s Compilation of the Laws 
of Georgia (Savannah, 1802), 145, 146. 


AN ACT TO INCORPORATE THE SAVANNAH ASSOCIATION OF 
} MECHANICS 


Whereas William Lewden, president, David Moses 
Vollaton, vice-president, John Peter Lang, secretary, 
Balthazer Shaffer, Thomas Palmer, John Herb, 
George Farries, Simon Connor, John Glass, William 
Henry Spencer, Joseph Roberts, Paul H. Wilkins, John 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 369 


Eppinger, Azra Plummer, Peter Miller, James Simp- 
son, John Armour, David Gugle, Daniel Gugle, John 
Trever, James Shaw, Nathaniel Lewis, Michael Asper, 
Joseph Dunlap, Gabriel Leaver, Elisha Elon, John 
Cole, John Miller, James Clarke and Benjamin Bennet, 
have by their petition represented, that they are me- 
chanics of different trades, residing in the city of 
Savannah: that they are desirous of placing their vari- 
ous crafts on a more social and respectable footing than 
heretofore, and of establishing, by their united exer- 
tions and contributions, a lasting fund for the relief 
and support of such of their unfortunate brethren, or 
their families, as are or may become objects of charity; 
and for those purposes have voluntarily united and 
formed themselves into a society, under the style and 
name of “The Savannah Association of Mechanics.” 
And in order to insure and establish their said institu- 
tion in a permanent and effectual manner, so that the 
charitable and beneficial objects thereof may be ex- 
ecuted with success and advantage, have prayed the 
legislature to grant them an act of incorporation: 
1. Be it therefore enacted by the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the State of Georgia in General 
Assembly met, and by the authority thereof, That the 
several persons herein before named, and others who 
are or may become members of the society before men- 
tioned, respectively, the officers and members thereof, 
and their successors, shall be, and they are hereby de- 
clared to be a body corporate in name and deed, by the 
style and denomination of “The president and vice- 
president of the Savannah Association of Mechanics ;” 
and by the said name and style shall have perpetual 
succession of officers and members, and a common seal 
to use, and shall have power and authority to make, 


370 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


alter, amend and change such bye-laws as may 
be agreed on by the members of the same; Provided 
such bye-laws be not repugnant to the laws or constitu- 
tion of this State, or the United States, or to the laws 
and ordinances of the city of Savannah aforesaid: And 
provided also, that the society shall not consist of more 
than seventy-five or less than twenty members, who shall 
all be residents of the said city of Savannah, and citi- 
zens of the United States. 2. And be it further enacted 
by the authority aforesaid, That they shall have full 
power and authority, under the style and name of “The 
president and vice-president of the Savannah Associa- 
tion of Mechanics,” to sue for and recover all such sum 
or sums of money as are now or may hereafter become 
due the said society, by any name or style whatever, 
in any court of law or in any tribunal having jurisdic- 
tion thereof, and the rights and privileges of the said 
society, in any court or at any tribunal whatever, to 
defend and also to receive, take and apply such bequests 
or donations as may be made to and for the uses and pur- 
poses intended by the said institution; and shall be, and 
are hereby declared to be vested with all the powers and 
advantages, privileges and emoluments of an association 
or society of people incorporated, for the purposes and 
intentions of their said association. 3. And be it 
further enacted, That this act shall be and is hereby de- 
clared to be deemed and considered a public act, to all 
intents and purposes whatever.° 


®In December, 1794, an incorporation in the identical terms with the above was granted 
to Mechanical Society of the Town of Augusta, upon the petition of William Longstreet, pres- 
ident, John Catlett, vice-president, Thomas Bray, secretary, Robert Creswell, treasurer, and 
Hugh Magee, William Dearmond, Baxter Pool, John Cook, Joseph Stiles, Angus Martin, 
John Stiles, Hiel Chatfield, Edward Primrose, Conrad Liverman and Isaac Wingate. — Ep. 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 371 


(b) Act of the Georgia General Assembly, approved Dec. 1, 1802, from 
A. S. Clayton’s Compilation of the Laws of Georgia (Augusta, 
1810), 94. 


AN ACT TO INCORPORATE THE SAVANNAH HOUSE CARPENTERS 
Whereas, George Robertson, George Henry, Asa 
Hoxey, Francis Roma, James Shaffer, William 
Mitchell, Thomas Ball, George Myers, Joseph Rahan, 
Frederick Bolinger, Philip Newton, Peter Wryly, 
William Mills, John Long, Christopher Hall, Robert 
Frazer, Edward Jones, L. de Young, John Reddmole, 
John Brewer, John Street, Benjamin Collier, John 
Gable, William Burnside, John Peter Oates, John 
Bowles, Alexander Wilson, William Pearson, Thomas 
Jones, Thomas Hardy, John H. Shaw, Joseph Stilwell, 
Sohn Hoxam, Nathaniel Lewis, William Mathews, 
John Reed, Samuel Bass, Joseph Shepherd, William 
Warrington, Isaac Tichener, Goodlip Hover, William 
Spencer, and William Burke, have by their petition 
represented, that they are of that class of mechanics 
called House Carpenters, and being desirous of placing 
their craft upon a more respectable and social footing 
than heretofore, so that the objects thereof may be es- 
sentially benefitted and improved, have prayed the 
Legislature to grant them an act of incorporation. 
SEC. 1. Be it therefore enacted by the Senate and 
House of Representatives of the State of Georgia in 
General Assembly met, and by the authority thereof, 
That the several persons herein before named and men- 
tioned, and others who may become members of the 
said class of mechanics called House Carpenters, re- 
spectively, the officers and members thereof, and their 
successors, shall be and they are hereby declared to be 
a body corporate, in name and deed, by the style and 
denomination of ‘the Savannah House Carpenters,” 
and by the said name and style shall have perpetual 


a72 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


succession of officers and members and a common seal 
to use and shall have power and authority to make, 
alter, amend, and change such bye-laws, as may be 
agreed on by the members of the same, Provided, such 
bye-laws be not repugnant to the laws and constitution 
of this State, or the United States. 

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted by the authority 
aforesaid, That they shall have full power and author- 
ity under the said style and denomination, to sue and 
be sued, implead and be impleaded, answer and be 
answered unto, in any court of law, or at any tribunal 
having jurisdiction thereof, and the rights and priv- 
ileges of the said society, or corporated body, in any 
court of law, or at any tribunal whatever to defend, 
and shall be and are hereby declared, to be vested with 
all the powers and advantages, privileges and emolu- 
ments of an association or society of people incorporat- 
ed, for the purposes and intentions of their said asso- 
ciation. 

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That this act shall 
be and is hereby declared to be a public act, to all in- 
tents and purposes whatever. 

(c) Letter to the editor of the Southern Banner (Athens, Ga.), May 


12, 1836, and the constitution of the Athens Mechanic’s Mutual Aid 
Association. 


Mr. Editor: At the meeting of the Athens Me- 
chanics’ Mutual Aid Association, held on Friday even- 
ing, the 6th inst. the following resolutions were 
adopted: 

Resolved that for the purpose of giving information 
as to the objects of the Association, not only the other 
mechanics but to our fellow citizens generally, the 
editors of the Athens papers be requested to give our 
Constitution an insertion in their journal. 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 373 


The Society deem it of importance that the two ob- 
jects of the Association be understood by the com- 
munity, particularly as they have learned that an im- 
pression exists in the minds of some, that it is a trades 
combination to regulate the prices of work. This idea 
they utterly repudiate. Their object is mutual im- 
provement, and they hope through the facilities afford- 
ed by the Association to become better mechanics and 
more useful and intelligent citizens. Should you think 
proper to give the Constitution a place in your columns, 
you will confer a favor upon the Society. 


CONSTITUTION. Of the Athens Mechanics’ Mutual 
Aid Association. 

ARTICLE 1. This Society shall be known and dis- 
tinguished as the Athens Mechanics’ Mutual Aid 
Association. 

ARTICLE 2. For the government of this Society there 
shall be elected annually by ballot a President, Vice- 
President, Secretary and Treasurer, and a standing 
committee to consist of five members. A majority of 
all the members present shall be necessary for a choice. 
Vacancies may be filled as soon as they are known to 
exist, in the same manner as that prescribed for annual 
elections. 

ARTICLE 3. The President shall preside at the meet- 
ing of the society, preserve order, regulate the debate, 
and decide on all questions of order, such decisions 
being subject to appeal. 

ARTICLE 4. In the absence of the President, the Vice- 
President shall be the presiding officer; and in his ab- 
sence a President pro tem shall be appointed. 

ARTICLE 5. The Secretary shall keep a fair distinct 
record of transactions of the society, and at each meet- 


374 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


ing shall read the proceedings of the previous meeting. 
He shall also keep a list of the names of the members 
and an account of their dues and payments. All the 
funds paid to the society shall be collected by the Secre- 
tary and be handed over to the Treasurer. 

ARTICLE 6. It shall be the duty of the Treasurer to 
take charge of the funds and property of the society 
of every description, provide a suitable place for its 
meetings, purchase fire-wood, light and stationery, and 
pay all debts contracted by order of the society. He 
shall render an account of his transactions once every 
three months and give bond and security for the faithful 
discharge of his duties, whenever, in the opinion of the 
standing committee, it may be necessary. 

ARTICLE 7. It shall be the duty of the standing com- 
mittee to be informed relative to the character of the 
persons proposed for admission and no person shall be 
admitted without their recommendation, unless it be by 
the unanimous vote of the other members. All applica- 
tions for membership shall be made through the com- 
mittee, and upon their recommendation any candidate 
may be received, provided two-thirds of the members 
present vote in his favor. It shall also be the duty of 
the standing committee to visit the members during 
their illness, or that of their families, or when suffering 
under any other misfortune: and if assistance is needed, 
either pecuniary or otherwise, they may immediately 
call a society and recommend such measures as in their 
judgment are necessary. 

ARTICLE 8. The fee for admission shall not be less 
than one dollar and each member shall be required to 
pay fifty cents per month while he continues in the so- 
ciety, either of these sums being increased whenever a 
majority at any regular meeting shall so determine. 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 375 


No person shall be received as a regular member who 
is not of good moral character and a practical mechanic. 

ARTICLE 9. Members who shall for six months suc- 
cessively neglect to pay the required monthly contribu- 
tion shall not be considered as any longer belonging to 
the society, and shall not be readmitted without paying 
all the arrearages. Members for immoral conduct may 
be expelled whenever a majority of the whole society 
shall so vote. 

ARTICLE 10. Any member who shall invent any piece 
of machinery or other mechanical improvement that 
shall prove to be of general utility, shall on presenting 
it to the society, receive a token of approbation suitable 
to the value of the invention, to be determined by vote 
of the Society. 

ARTICLE 11. Itshall be encumbent upon all members 
of the Society to aid their fellow members in their 
various avocations, not only by friendly advice and en- 
couragement, but by bestowing their patronage upon 
each other, whenever it can be done without conflicting 
with their individual interest. 

ARTICLE 12. Among the first and most prominent 
objects of this Society shall be the purchase of a library 
adapted to the wants and wishes of the members; be- 
ginning with works relating to, their several trades, and 
extending to others of a more exclusively literary and 
scientific character, as the funds of the Society may 
allow; to be purchased and regulated in such a manner 
as a majority of the members shall hereafter determine. 

ARTICLE 13. The Society may at any regular meeting 
select a question to be discussed at the next meeting; and 
any member who shall refuse to give his views when 
called upon by the President, shall pay a fine of twenty- 
five cents unless excused by vote of the Society. 


376 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


ARTICLE 14. Persons not mechanics may be admitted 
as honorary members in like manner as regular mem- 
bers are received, provided they shall have previously 
manifested friendship for the Society, by lending their 
aid, by donations or otherwise, in the furtherance of its 
objects. 

ARTICLE 15. The regular meetings of the Society 
shall be held once in each month, on such day as may be 
found most convenient for the members; but in all cases 
one-fourth of the whole number must be present to con- 
stitute a quorum for the transaction of the business. 
The annual meetings shall be held on the first Friday 
in April in every year. 

ARTICLE 16. All proposed alterations or amend- 
ments to this Constitution shall be submitted in writing 
at a regular meeting of the Society, and acted upon at 
the next regular meeting thereafter, and shall not be 
adopted except by a vote of a majority of all the mem- 
bers of the society. 


7. INSTANCES OF TRADES-UNIONISM 


(a) Southern Banner (Athens, Ga.), Nov. 19, 1836, reprinting from 
the Augusta Chronicle a report of proceedings. 


AUGUSTA TYPOGRAPHICAL SocIETY. Ata meeting of 
the Journeymen Printers of Augusta, held on Saturday 
evening, November sth, Mr. Sidney S. Browne was 
called to the chair and Mr. James M’Cafferty ap- 
pointed secretary, the object of the meeting being ex- 
plained by the chairman, the following resolutions were 
submitted by Br. J. T. Blain and unanimously adopted. 

- Resolved, that we form ourselves into an association 
under the title of The Typographical Society of 
Augusta, Ga., deeming it highly expedient for the bene- 
fit of this class. 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 377 


Resolved, that a committee be appointed to draft a 
constitution and by-laws for the government of the 
same, and that this meeting considering the society duly 
formed enter into an election of officers. The meeting 
having appointed a committee, recommended in the 
above resolution, the following gentlemen were nomi- 
nated and unanimously elected officers for the ensuing 
year. George Robertson, President, Sidney S. Browne, 
Vice-President, James M’Caffery, Secretary and Treas- 
urer, Edmund McGowan, Steward. Standing Commit- 
tee, J. T. Blain, T. J. Echols, and W. H. Goodman. 

The election of officers having been gone through 
with, Mr. Echols offered the following preamble and 
resolutions which were unanimously adopted: 

Whereas, the efforts of General Duff Green, of 
Washington City, to carry his literary society into ef- 
fect in Columbia, S.C., is likely so far to succeed; and 

Whereas, we conceive it our bounden duty to re- 
monstrate with all our power against the establishment 
of a system as projected in Washington City, and which 

produced effects in opposing it, that are regretted by us 
all: 

Be it therefore resolved, that we disapprove of Gen- 
eral Green’s intention to establish a society significantly 
termed the “Literary Society of South Carolina,” 
which has been incorporated by the legislature of said 
state. 

Resolved, that we consider it an attempt to monop- 
olize the printing of the state aforesaid by underwork- 
ing resident printers, whose conduct and deportment 
have always insured the respect of our class and the 
citizens of the community in which they live. 

Resolved, that we solicit and recommend to the jour- 
neymen printers of Columbia, S.C., to form a society 


378 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 


and establish a scale of prices to be suited to their ex- 
penses, and that we will expect everyone who belongs 
to our class and who considers himself a man of princi- 
ple to abide by those rates and to assist in the mainten- 
ance of the same. 

Resolved, that it is the opinion of this meeting that no 
journeyman could consistently with the principle of 
honor work in any office conducted in such manner. 

Resolved, that we disclaim any intention of injuring 
Gen. Green in the opinion of the South, but his design 
in Washington City has led us to anticipate a similar at- 
tempt here. 

On motion of Mr. J. T. Watson, 

Resolved, that the proceedings of this meeting be 
published and that the papers throughout the south be 
requested to copy the same. 

SIDNEY S. BROWNE, Chairman 
JAMES M’CAFFERTY, Secretary. 
(b) Extract from an editorial notice from the New Orleans (La.) 


Commercial Bulletin, March 16, 1836, regarding rates of subscrip- 
tion, advertisement, and job printing. 


With the details we have just submitted to the public, 
we shall also give the prices fixed by the Journeymen 
Printers at their meeting on the 13th. of this month. 

Compositors employed on the Morning Papers shall 
receive from 62% cents to $1.25 per 1000 ems, instead 
of 50 cents hitherto received. 

Workmen in a Job office, or office where pamphlets, 
books, cards, &c, &c, are printed, instead of $15.00, 
which was the price heretofore, now demand $19.00. 

The public will preceive that if we have determined 
to adopt some small augmentation in our prices, the 
measure is forced upon us by the increase of journey- 


ARTISANS AND TOWN LABOR 379 


men’s wages imposed upon us by the Typographical 
Society of New Orleans. 

Scale of Prices, of the New Orleans Typographical 
Association. Composition. 

Compositors employed on morning Newspapers to 
work by the piece only, at the following rates; Plain 
matter in the English, French or Spanish languages, 
624 cents per thousand ems. for manuscript or printed 
copy; Pearl, 75 cents per 1000 ems; Ruby, 811% cents 
per 1000 ems; Diamond $1. per 1000 ems; Rule and 
Figure Work, $1. 25 cents per 1000 ems; Rule or Fig- 
ure Work separately, 9334 cents per 1000 ems. A fore- 
man not to receive less than $25.00 per week. 


” 


‘viii 


